PARLIAMENTARY DEBATE
Great British Energy Bill - 5 September 2024 (Commons/Commons Chamber)

The reasoned amendment in the name of Claire Coutinho has been selected.

I beg to move, That the Bill be now read a Second time.

May I congratulate you on your elevation to your new role, Madam Deputy Speaker?

At the general election, the British people voted for change, and they voted for our party’s promise of the first new national, publicly owned energy generation company in our country for more than 75 years: Great British Energy. Today, with this Bill, we deliver. British public ownership is back at the heart of our energy system. To every right hon. and hon. Member behind me, I say that it is thanks to each and every one of their victories in their constituencies that today we can start to create a lasting legacy for the country, which breaks from 14 years of failure—14 years of leaving Britain exposed to fossil fuel markets, which led directly to the worst cost of living crisis and energy bills crisis in generations.

Will the Secretary of State give way?

Not at the moment. [Interruption.] The right hon. Gentleman needs to calm down a little bit; I know he gets very angry.

We have had 14 years of blind faith in free markets and a refusal to have an industrial policy, which offshored clean energy jobs, and 14 years of a Government who were perfectly happy with state ownership of our energy system, but with one crucial overriding condition: that it would be state ownership by any country except Britain. That is the reality of what we inherited.

We already have widespread state ownership of Britain’s energy assets by other countries—Denmark, Sweden, Norway and France—through their state-owned companies. Indeed, the city of Munich owns more of our offshore wind capacity than the British Government. Following the auction results I announced on Tuesday, the largest two offshore wind projects to win a contract will be built by Ørsted, a Danish state-owned company. I strongly welcome its investment, but the question before the House today—the question at the heart of this Bill—is simple: do we think there should be a British equivalent of state-owned energy generation companies such as Ørsted, Vattenfall, Statkraft and EDF investing in our infrastructure?

We have a simple proposition: if it is right for the Danes, the French, the Norwegians and the Swedes to own British energy assets, it is right for the British people to do so as well. That is why we fought the election on the crucial principle that the British people should have a right to own and benefit from our natural resources. To every Member of the House who is considering their vote on this Bill this afternoon, I urge them to vote for that principle. To those thinking about voting against the Bill, I ask them how they will defend to their constituents the idea that other countries should own our national energy infrastructure, but Britain should not.

I am grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for giving way. He is normally a fair man, but what he did not mention was the risible state of renewable energy when we took power in 2010. It accounted for less than 7% of electricity, and we increased the figure to nearly 50%. We are a country that has led the world in this area. It was the Conservatives who transformed our energy system to remove coal from the system. I am sure I am just setting up the Secretary of State, which I am happy to do, but what will state ownership do? Our system is arguably one of the most effective in the whole world at delivering green capacity, and has been the most successful in cutting emissions. What will state ownership do, other than simply put the state and its complicated mechanisms into programmes that need to be speeded up, not slowed down?

The right hon. Gentleman surprises me; he is a brilliant set-up man, and he is welcome any time. I will now explain to him what state ownership will do. Here is why it is the right idea for our time. It is the right idea for energy security, because Great British Energy will invest in home-grown, clean energy that we control, and speed up its delivery. It is the right idea for jobs—this is the learning from all those other countries I mentioned—because Great British Energy will partner with the private sector to create jobs and make sure that we build the supply chains and jobs that the British people deserve.

It is the right idea for creating wealth for Britain. This is what I do not understand about the Conservative party, because state-owned companies from other countries are not investing in these assets as a charitable endeavour; they are doing so to generate wealth for their countries—wealth that flows back to their taxpayers. State ownership is the right idea for creating wealth for Britain, because Great British Energy, through its investments, will help generate return for the taxpayer. To answer the right hon. Gentleman directly, it is right for energy security, it is right for jobs, and it is right for creating wealth for our country.

I will not support this Bill tonight. The Secretary of State claims that it will put the British people in ownership of the renewable electricity supply market, but that market is estimated is £50 billion a year. He is proposing to invest £1.6 billion a year. Can he not see the difference that £1.6 billion will make to the overall investment? The infrastructure will still not be owned by the British people.

The right hon. Gentleman and I have a long history on these issues, which makes me rather old. Indeed, we used to spar about them 15 years ago. He is wrong about £1.6 billion; it is £8.3 billion of investment over the Parliament—a significant sum. Great British Energy will not become EDF overnight—of course not —but the point is that this Government believe in creating a lasting, long-term legacy for Britain, which is what GB Energy will do.

I am going to make some more progress.

Let me go through what Great British Energy will do. First, it will invest in and own clean energy projects, particularly leading-edge technologies such as floating offshore wind, by working with the private sector and taking stakes in the projects it supports. The truth is that we need to accelerate the deployment of wind, solar, tidal, hydrogen, carbon capture and nuclear, and we need to face the reality that frontier technologies carry risk. That is why there is a particular role for the Government in helping to de-risk projects by investing in them in partnership with the private sector, and in doing so capturing value for Britain.

GB Energy will invest across a range of clean energy technologies, using its £8.3 billion capitalisation. The chair has been appointed by the Government, but the company will be able to move at pace with operational independence. I am delighted that Jürgen Maier, who has a great record of achievement and is a champion of UK manufacturing and good jobs, has been appointed as start-up chair.

I completely agree with the basis of my right hon. Friend’s argument for ending the offshoring of jobs, energy assets and employment opportunities. Almost all solar panels are currently sourced from China. Power Roll, a company in my constituency, has developed a lightweight, flexible and cost-effective solar module and is eager to establish its first gigafactory. Does he agree that, to secure our energy future, Great British Energy should be supporting and investing in innovative start-ups such as Power Roll in east Durham?

My hon. Friend is a brilliant champion of his constituency and these issues, and he is absolutely right that part of the challenge we face is to expand our supply chains in Britain. I am very interested in the example he gives.

The Secretary of State talks eloquently and powerfully about the physical investment coming from this new measure. Will he elaborate on some of the benefits to our workforce, particularly the training and development opportunities for younger people through a wider range of apprenticeships, and the amazing multiplier effect that will have for our economy?

My hon. Friend anticipates my point about how we build the supply chains, and about the lessons we have learned from what state-owned companies in other countries have done to help catalyse a supply chain of jobs and to work with the private sector.

Will my right hon. Friend give way?

I will give way one more time before making some more progress.

I am very grateful to my right hon. Friend. We heard the right hon. Member for Beverley and Holderness (Graham Stuart) suggest a few moments ago that things were going wonderfully under the Conservative Government, but does my right hon. Friend agree that the Climate Change Committee warned a few weeks ago that only a third of the emissions reductions that we need to achieve the 2030 target are currently backed by a credible plan? Is the reality not that we need a step change? Thank God we have a Labour Government to deliver it.

My hon. Friend is absolutely right, and it is part of what this Government have done. In less than two months, we have overturned the onshore wind ban, consented large amounts of solar power and, on Tuesday, had the most successful renewables auction in British history.

Will the right hon. Gentleman give way?

I will not give way to the right hon. Gentleman again. We have heard quite enough from him.

Secondly—I know this is a concern of the Liberal Democrats and of other Members on both sides of the House—Great British Energy will deliver our local power plan, working with local authorities, combined authorities and communities to deliver the biggest expansion of support for community-owned energy in history.

Clean energy is not just about large-scale infrastructure. If we look around the world, so many countries have a lot to teach us. In Denmark, around half of wind capacity is citizen-owned; and in Germany, almost half of solar capacity is citizen-owned. Our local power plan will learn from other countries.

Generating clean power, and embracing it as a way to generate a return for local people, to help tackle fuel poverty, to unleash the dynamism and resources of local communities and to win the consent of local people, thousands of projects across Britain are tapping into that energy and enthusiasm.

Will my right hon. Friend give way?

I will make a bit more progress.

I had the chance to visit the Lawrence Weston turbine in Bristol, which Members may know about. It is England’s tallest onshore wind turbine, and it is 100% owned by the local community, powering at least 3,000 local homes and reinvesting revenues into local projects.

I have caught the eye of an infrequent contributor to this House, so I will give way.

I thank the Secretary of State for what he is putting forward. It seems logical for the UK to manufacture this process, rather than others doing it for us. The question for my constituents, I say respectfully to the Secretary of State, is, what will the price of energy be at the end? A LucidTalk poll for National Energy Action evaluated the impact of rising energy prices on households in Northern Ireland. It found that 41% of households were spending more than 10% of their income on their home energy costs. How can we make sure that my constituents, and indeed all our constituents, can have energy they can pay for?

The hon. Member is absolutely right. This is a massive concern for all our constituents, and Great British Energy is a crucial tool to bring down prices for our constituents. The truth is that every Member in this House has to make a judgment on this. Do they believe that business as usual, staying on fossil fuels, will give us the energy security we need? We discussed this in the House on Tuesday. The truth is that we had the worst cost of living crisis in generations because of our exposure to fossil fuels. We are seeing prices rise again on 1 October, not because of Government decisions but because of our dependence on international gas markets. The argument for clean energy 15 years ago was a climate argument; it is now as much an energy security argument as a climate argument.

I am going to make a bit more progress.

Thirdly, Great British Energy will work with industry to develop supply chains across the UK to boost energy independence and create good jobs. The reality is that the last Government spectacularly underdelivered on the promise of creating jobs in clean energy. It is true that British waters are home to one of the largest floating offshore wind farms in the world: Kincardine, just 15 km off the coast of Aberdeen—[Interruption.] The right hon. Member for East Surrey (Claire Coutinho) nods, but where was it made? Its foundations were made in Spain and its turbines were installed in the Netherlands, and it was then simply towed into British waters. How can that be right?

This Government are not neutral about where things are made. We want the future made in Britain. Clean energy is the economic and industrial opportunity of the 21st century, and the truth is that other countries are seizing this opportunity. Britain is being left behind. The facts are extraordinary: Germany has almost twice as many renewable jobs per capita as Britain; Sweden almost three times as many; and Denmark almost four times as many. That is the previous Government’s legacy.

What our friends and neighbours have realised is that a domestic national champion is a crucial tool to help deliver economic success. The success of the Danes, for example, cannot be divorced from the role of Ørsted in helping to make it happen. That is why Great British Energy will work alongside our national wealth fund and the British jobs bonus, partnering with industry, to build supply chains in every corner of the UK, delivering the next generation of good jobs, with strong trade unions, and reindustrialising Britain.

I congratulate the Secretary of State on his appointment. May I draw attention to the letter he wrote to Fintan Slye, the chair of National Grid ESO, in August, and the response he has given in his open letter to the industry, alongside a question about the cancellation of the offshore co-ordination support scheme, which was coming up with viable alternatives for better delivery of the Norwich to Tilbury project? Mr Slye says that the plan the ESO will develop will be

“a whole systems spatial view of what is required to deliver a clean, secure, operable electricity system by 2030.”

Does that include all the work that ESO has already done in its review of the Norwich to Tilbury project, which includes many viable options that could speed up the process and make it more viable for the long term?

I looked carefully at that issue before we made that decision. I have great respect for the hon. Gentleman, but we cannot justify spending public money on a scheme that will not work and will not deliver for the British people, which is why we did not go ahead with the second phase. All the advice and all the evidence was that it just would not be value for money.

I am glad that the hon. Gentleman draws attention to 2030. For the first time in this country since the last Labour Government were in power, we are going to have a proper plan. We did not inherit a proper plan, and we need a proper plan to give certainty to industry.

Fourthly, Great British Energy will support project development, leading projects through their early stages to speed up delivery, while capturing more value for the British people, in particular through our partnership with the Crown Estate, announced just two weeks into our period in Government. The partnership will co-ordinate planning, grid and leasing for the seabed and, importantly, help speed up the roll-out of offshore wind and other technologies. It has the potential to help leverage up to £60 billion of private investment and deliver up to 30 GW of offshore wind leases.

The truth is we have huge potential as a country: the chance for offshore wind to drive investment in coastal areas from Cornwall to Grimsby, opportunities for ports from west Wales to north of Scotland to lead the world in the industries of the future, and opportunities for supply chain companies all over the world. That is what this Bill is about.

I am terribly excited about the ambition of the Labour Government for GB Energy. In my constituency, Blyth port is thriving. We have Energy Central on the Blyth estuary, Catapult UK, the offshore energy research centre, and Lynemouth power, a biomass power station. May I invite the Secretary of State to see the issues in my constituency for himself, and show businesses and residents how they can participate in the fantastic opportunity Government are offering?

My hon. Friend is a great champion for his area and he is right. I am sure he reflects the feelings of every right hon. and hon. Member, whatever side of the House they are on, that there are huge opportunities in this sector. We intend to exploit them. I look forward to seeing his constituency.

I will make a bit more progress. I have set out our case—a case that the British people overwhelmingly support. According to post-election polling by More in Common, Great British Energy was supported by an overwhelming 73% of voters and opposed by just 8%. It appears from the Conservative’s reasoned amendment—so-called—that Conservative Members will vote against the Bill today. If they do that, they will do something remarkable: they will go one step further than refusing to listen to the people who did not vote for them by refusing to listen to the people who did vote for them—quite a remarkable feat by an Opposition—because Great British Energy was supported not just by Labour voters, but by Conservative voters by a majority of four to one—56% to 14%.

I will make a bit more progress. [Interruption.] Conservative Members are still in the “the show was great but the audience was poor” stage of Opposition. Let me give them some advice—they will get out of that over time, but they are in the early stages now.

Because I get my kicks in strange ways, for a bit of light entertainment, I have been reading what the Conservative party leadership candidates have been saying. It is really interesting, honestly; it is quite fun reading. [Interruption.] Yes, somebody has got to do it. The right hon. Member for Tonbridge (Tom Tugendhat) said that people

“will never vote for a party that they have stopped taking seriously.”

Well, that is true. He said they should be

“given credit for seeing the errors that we may make and correcting them.”

Correct. The right hon. Member for North West Essex (Mrs Badenoch)—I believe the shadow Minister, the right hon. Member for East Surrey (Claire Coutinho), is the mastermind for her campaign—said it was no good

“having the same policy arguments from the last Parliament.”

The shadow Minister should take those words to heart.

I agree with those candidates that the Conservative party needs to move on. I am in a generous mood, Madam Deputy Speaker. I have been involved in leadership campaigns, so I have some advice. I have a free idea for the not very famous five still left in the Tory leadership competition: back an idea that the public support. Back an idea that Conservative voters support; back an idea that Labour voters support; back an idea that Reform voters support—Reform Members are not here. Back an idea that Liberal Democrat voters support. They should move on from the arguments of the last Parliament, show a bit of bravery—even break the Whip and stand out from the crowd. They should break from the past and back our Bill today.

The Secretary of State knows I share his passion and ambition to get to net zero. One big concern about GB Energy is that it will crowd out, rather than crowd in investment. Will he enlarge on how he intends to crowd in investment into green energy?

I am very surprised by the Liberal Democrats saying that. It is slightly “orange book” Liberal Democrats, if I may put it that way, for those old enough to remember. I say respectfully to the hon. Lady and all Members of the House: look around the world at what is happening before our eyes. There is catalytic public investment—public investment levering in private investment. The whole old fashioned, free market 1980s argument about crowding out turns out to be wrong. Just look at what is happening in America. Why is the money flowing to the United States? In part, because of the catalytic public investment. [Interruption.] I can see Opposition Members are going to be slow learners.

Great British Energy is at the heart of our long-term plan to accelerate the transition to clean energy and ensure we are never at the mercy of volatile fossil fuel markets again. It will speed up delivery, create good jobs and protect family finances, and we will reap the benefits for generations to come. I commend the Bill to the House.

Before I call the shadow Minister to the Dispatch Box, I remind hon. Members that questions to the Minister are taken through the Chair, so they must make eye contact with the Chair and not the Minister.

I beg to move an amendment to leave out from “That” to the end of the Question, and insert:

“this House, while recognising the need to cut household energy bills for families, accelerate private investment in energy infrastructure, and protect and create jobs in the energy industry across the UK, declines to give a Second Reading to the Great British Energy Bill because Great British Energy will not produce any energy, will not reduce household energy bills by £300, does not compensate for the amount of investment in energy projects that will be deterred by the Government’s plans to prematurely shut down the UK’s oil and gas sector, and involves an unjustified use of taxpayers’ money at a time when the Government is withdrawing the Winter Fuel Payment from 10 million pensioners as energy bills rise.”

I welcome you to your place, Madam Deputy Speaker. It is a pleasure to be back. I know the Secretary of State will have had a busy summer settling into Government, having the eagle-eyed civil service now screen all his comments and a hungry press pack on his tail about every promise he has made. He even slotted in a trip to Brazil, a place very dear to my heart, but perhaps he should have spent a bit more time on the Bill. If the Bill does everything he and his team have promised, I will be impressed. Let me remind the House what is on the record. If it saves £300 off bills by 2030, if every project it invests in is guaranteed to turn a profit by 2030, if it can get new innovative energy prototypes off the ground and create 650,000 jobs, even I will be impressed. But here is the rub: the Bill is four pages long—there is barely anything in it.

I do not want to oppose the Bill just for opposition’s sake, but the Secretary of State has provided no detail on how the Bill will deliver any of his promises, let alone all of them. It is a four-page Bill in which he is asking for £8 billion of taxpayers’ money, while setting out no investment plan, no figures for the energy that will be produced, no numbers for energy bill savings or carbon emission reductions, and not even a timeline. I doubt it can deliver any of the things he has promised. He is asking for £8 billion of taxpayers’ money—a completely blank cheque—for an energy company that will not cut bills or turn a profit by 2030. I will come back to those promises.

I will give way in a second.

The Secretary of State is setting up a new body when our energy sector is not short of state-run bodies. We have Ofgem, the National Energy System Operator, the Climate Change Committee, Great British Nuclear and, of course, the UK Infrastructure Bank, with £22 billion to provide debt, equity and guarantees for infrastructure finance to tackle climate change, set up by the former Prime Minister.

At this point, the taxpayer might well ask why they are coughing up twice for programmes that do the same thing. Here is why. When I read the Bill, tiny as it is, it rang a bell and, lo and behold, it is a carbon copy of the Infrastructure Bank legislation, so why do the same thing again? Well, there are a few important omissions and tweaks. First, while the Infrastructure Bank legislation sets out directions for governance by directors and non-executive directors, the Bill does no such thing. While the Infrastructure Bank legislation appoints an independent person to carry out a review of the effectiveness of the bank in delivering its objectives, the Bill does no such thing.

Lastly, while the Infrastructure Bank legislation gives special powers to direct investments to the Treasury—to independent civil servants—the Bill gives powers to the Secretary of State, who, as far as I am aware, has no investment background and no financial training and whose only period in the private sector, if I have this right, was as a researcher at Channel 4.

My right hon. Friend is absolutely right. The Bill sets out huge powers for the Secretary of State—he will be like the slim controller of the energy system, as he tries to interfere. But he has a track record in such cluelessness—the 2030 decarbonisation target. “We need more ambition,” he said. We had therefore hoped that the self-confessed nerd would know how to do it, but we had the letter in August to Fintan Slye of the Electricity System Operator, which set out the fact that the Secretary of State did not have a clue about how to deliver 2030 decarbonisation. The answer from Fintan Slye, if he were not in such an impossible position, would have been short: “It can’t be done. You need to do your homework.”

I thank my right hon. Friend for his intervention. It is always a pleasure to see him in the Chamber making excellent points.

The question that I have is this: why has the Secretary of State set up a duplicate programme with no instructions for governance, independent review, investment plans or consumer savings that he can be judged by? Why should taxpayers’ money fund a similar entity when the only difference that I can discern is that it gives the Secretary of State unchecked power? What is it about the £8 billion of taxpayer money that he can direct without checks or balances that first attracted him to the idea of GB Energy? These are fair and reasonable questions for us as the Opposition to ask, and he must look to improve the governance in this Bill.

Let me turn to the promises that he made. The Prime Minister, the Chancellor, the Secretary of State and at least 50 Labour MPs promised their constituents in the July election that GB Energy would save them £300 a year on their energy bills. They said it on their election literature, on social media and in hustings. They said it because they were told to do so by the Secretary of State, but I listened very closely to his speech today and I did not hear him make a promise that GB Energy will save them £300 on their energy bills.

In a debate just before the summer recess, the Under-Secretary of State for Energy Security and Net Zero, the hon. Member for Rutherglen (Michael Shanks), would not repeat the promise either. That is because they all know that it is not true. In fact, one of Labour’s first acts in government has been to take away up to £300 from 10 million pensioners this winter, including two thirds of pensioners in poverty. It takes some nerve for the Labour party to say that it never wanted to do this, because the winter fuel payment was in the manifesto of the Secretary of State’s party when he wrote it in 2010. It was in there when he was leader in 2015, it was in there in 2017 and in 2019, but in 2024 it was omitted. There was no mention at all for the first time in 14 years.

I will give credit to the right hon. Gentleman—something that I do not always do. When he was leader in 2015, he put it in his manifesto that he would take the payment away from the top 5% of pensioners. He will remember that. He had the courtesy of telling the public his plans, but, professional politician that he is, I suggest that he would have clocked that it was not included this time round. He has been in politics for 30 years and would have known what that meant, so I hope that he can confirm today whether he had any conversations with the Prime Minister, the Chancellor or Morgan McSweeney before the manifesto came out. If so, he sent out those Labour candidates—all the people on the Benches behind him—with this false promise of the £300 energy savings when someone clearly knew that they were going to take that amount away from millions of pensioners this winter.

My right hon. Friend referred to the letter that was sent by the Secretary of State to Fintan Slye, the head of National Grid ESO and, curiously, there is nothing in the Secretary of State’s letter that refers to the need to lower electricity prices. The term “electricity prices” does not appear in the letter and neither does the term “security of supply”. Does she agree that those are the two great concerns about rushing the 2030 decarbonisation target?

I absolutely agree with my hon. Friend, and I will come on to that point.

There will be a vote next week on the winter fuel payment—I think the Government have confirmed that. Everybody heard the Secretary of State speak today, so I say to those on the Opposition Benches that, if they want to break the Whip, if they want to stand out from the crowd, I am sure that they will have his encouragement.

Let us come back to those savings. The Secretary of State has promised bill savings by 2030 through GB Energy —I believe that is correct. The question is how. Does he have any serious energy expert who thinks that that is possible with an investment of £8 billion over five years? That is a drop in the ocean when it comes to energy investment. It is a fraction of the amount of investment that he is deterring from the private sector into clean energy with his plans to shut down the North sea. He talked about offshore wind, nuclear and hydrogen in his founding statement, but none of those things get built in five years. Let us be honest, the likelihood of his plans bringing any power online by 2030 is tiny. The idea that it will be enough to lower bills across households is, frankly, for the birds. When we asked his Department how much energy he wanted to enable through the Bill, his Department said that it would be looked at in due course. That is just not good enough.

The second promise is clean power by 2030. GB Energy was supposed to be the silver bullet to reach the Secretary of State’s target of a decarbonised grid by 2030. We will come on to whether that is a good idea a bit later. To do that, he said that he needed £28 billion a year. His Chief Secretary to the Treasury talked about hundreds of billions of pounds, and he has in fact secured from his Chancellor £1.6 billion a year. He talked about national ownership. This is not enough money to do that, and he knows it. He himself thought that his plans would cost vastly more, yet he is promising to do it all now with 6% of the funds. That is just not credible.

Then we come to promise No. 3. The Government say that

“in every single project”

that GB Energy invests in

“there will be a return for the British taxpayer”.—[Official Report, 26 July 2024; Vol. 752, c. 937.]

That is what the Under-Secretary of State for Energy Security and Net Zero, the hon. Member for Rutherglen said on 26 July—it is in Hansard if Members want to check. It says “in every single project”.

What Labour is telling industry is very different. It says that it will use that money—£8 billion of taxpayers’ money—to de-risk its projects. I believe that the Secretary of State said that in his speech today. What does that mean? That means that it will be investing in the parts of those projects that the energy companies do not expect to be profitable. May I ask this: what is it about the Secretary of State’s vast private sector experience, which he gained as a researcher at Channel 4, that makes him think he can turn a profit, when experienced, multimillion-pound energy companies cannot? He has not set out an expected financial rate of return, any risk profile or a timeframe for these returns. Those are the minimum things that anyone seeking investment should set out, and I say that as someone who is financially trained. I know that the right hon. Gentleman is not, but this is basic stuff.

Here is the problem. If the Secretary of State’s goal is to give taxpayers a good deal, he should be investing on commercial rates, which would just displace private sector capital and would not speed up his decarbonisation targets, produce more energy or lower bills. But if his goal is to de-risk more speculative projects—that is the line that he is giving industry and the thing that he said today—then by definition he will be throwing taxpayers’ money into the least attractive parts of investments, by which I mean the parts that multimillion-pound companies do not want. The risk is that GB Energy, far from generating any profit for taxpayers, will become a skip for all and everyone to put their problems and their failures inside. This is crucial, because we cannot let the Government repeat at a national scale what Labour councils have done at a local level. [Interruption.] Labour Members groan, but they should think about what local taxpayers have had to face.

Robin Hood Energy in Nottingham, which collapsed, left residents with debts of £38 million. Bristol Energy, which failed, cost residents £43 million. Warrington’s stake in Together Energy left residents with a potential liability of £37 million. These were small-time projects with budgets in the tens of millions.

On a point of order, Madam Deputy Speaker. I cannot hear what the shadow Secretary of State is saying because there is so much noise coming from those on the Government Front Bench. They do not want to hear what she is saying, because it might be true.

I thank the hon. Member for that comment. He will know that that is not a point of order. Would the shadow Secretary of State please proceed?

This is really important, because we are talking about taxpayers’ money. Those were small-time projects with budgets in the tens of millions, but the Secretary of State is asking for a budget of billions of pounds with no plans. He mentioned a couple of companies in his speech, including EDF, which made a loss of €17 billion in 2022, and Ørsted, which made a loss of €2.7 billion in 2023, so I think it is right that we ask some of these questions.

The right hon. Lady mentions Robin Hood Energy and other local energy companies that were in fact supply companies. We are talking about a Great British Energy company that will be generating energy. She simply does not understand that. She is making a mistake about our plans, and failing to understand what is actually going on. She is suggesting that something is going to happen that is not going to happen.

If the hon. Lady would bravely like to say that the company will generate energy, I am sure that she would like to tell us how much, because no one else seems able to.

Will the right hon. Member give way?

I am sorry, but I will make some progress.

Finally—this is really important—the Secretary of State pays lip service to nuclear, but we know that when Labour was last in power it did not start a single nuclear power plant in all its 14 years. All summer, there has been an eerie silence. On the capital raise for Sizewell C, which should be out by now—nothing. On the small modular reactor competition, which should be deciding its final projects now—nothing. We committed to a third large-scale nuclear power plant at Wylfa—again, nothing. We wrote to the Under-Secretary of State for Energy Security and Net Zero, the hon. Member for Rutherglen, but once again he has refused to confirm any detail or, with regard to Wylfa, whether those plans are even in place. Can the Secretary of State say whether the creation of GB Energy is slowing down those projects and causing the timetable of these programmes, which will provide clean, cheap energy, to slip?

Will the right hon. Member give way?

I will not; I will continue.

Once again, we simply have no answers. I find all this very strange, because at our last encounter in this House, the Secretary of State was keen to confess that he was a “super-nerd”. As someone who has been a lifelong mathlete, I am the first person to want to champion a fellow super-nerd, but when I meet super-nerds they normally like evidence, facts and numbers. Whenever we look at what the Secretary of State has set out, there are no numbers attached. He talks about decarbonising the grid by 2030, but he has not set out the full system costs of that. He promises profits and bill savings from GB Energy, but he cannot tell us by when or how much.

When it comes to the Bill and its 2030 target, it is clear that the Secretary of State does not have the numbers, because two weeks ago he wrote a letter to the director of the Electricity System Operator. I have it here. Do you know what he said, Madam Deputy Speaker? He asked the director to please

“provide practical advice on achieving clean power by 2030”,

including a

“High-level assessment of costs”.

Given that we are talking about people’s energy bills, I think the public would like a detailed look at what this is going to cost them. To top it off, he asked the director to advise what actions his Government should take

“to enable delivery…clearly setting out where further work is required.”

The evidence could not be clearer. He went into a general election with a pledge and no idea how to achieve it, what it will cost or whether it is achievable at all.

That is the exact point that I wanted to make; I was very keen for the Secretary of State to take my intervention on that point. The key practical, tangible thing that my constituents want to know is when they will see the £300 saving that he promised them during the general election. That is what really impacts families and households up and down this country. When a Minister comes to sum up the debate, will they restate that commitment to households about a £300 saving?

That is a very fair question. I hope that the energy Minister, who I assume will wrap up the debate, will be able to provide some detail.

Far from being a super-nerd, the truth is that the Secretary of State is the ultimate career politician. He comes up with big titles and makes big promises to the public, but he has no idea how to deliver. My big fear—[Interruption.] He should listen, because it is an important point. My big fear is that he is losing focus on all the amazing technologies that will come online after 2030, whether it is fusion energy, the next generation of nuclear reactors or carbon capture. These are the innovative new technologies that will not just deal with the 1% of emissions in the UK but the 99% produced overseas. In Government, I focused a lot of my time on speeding up the development of those technologies. We launched the £1 billion green industries growth accelerator specifically to reduce any supply chain constraints, for example on cables. We provided almost £200 million to help the UK become the first commercial producer of advanced nuclear fuel outside Russia. We were making Britain one of the most exciting places in the world for fusion energy development, with £600 million of funding.

I thank the right hon. Member for giving way—finally. She is criticising the Government for the rushed target of decarbonising the grid by 2030. Can she enlighten the House on when the Conservative party would do it?

I will. This is a critical point, which I have made in recent weeks. The point about having longer to decarbonise is that it gives time to develop British supply chains. That is exactly what I was doing. The green industries growth accelerator and some of the other things that I have talked about gave us time to set up British companies. Those things cannot be done in five years. There is a need to get project finance, to hire workers and train them, and to get planning permission. There is a huge amount that needs to be done. The fact that the Secretary of State wants to rush the transition and make it happen at breakneck speed is risking British jobs and livelihoods, and making us dependent on Chinese supply chains.

The Secretary of State has promised many things with the Bill, but he simply cannot set out any detail about the things that he wants to deliver. It would be a blank cheque for £8 billion of taxpayers’ money, with no plan, no evidence, and no numbers for the bill savings or profits that he has been promising the British public. That is why we cannot support the Bill as it stands.

I call Becky Gittins to make her maiden speech.

Much like one of Clwyd East’s famous sons, John Prescott, who hails from Prestatyn, I do hope my maiden speech packs a punch. Given that the custom in a maiden speech is for the new Member to talk about some of the best bits of their constituency, coming back from a summer of attending carnivals, fêtes, agricultural shows, a classic car festival, a duck race, fun days and dog shows has made my job today a little easier.

Today, I am going to take the House on a whistle-stop tour of Clwyd East, a place that it is my great privilege to represent. It is apt that I give my maiden speech in a debate about Great British Energy, as Clwyd East boasts on its coastline the port of Mostyn, with Gwynt y Môr wind farm, a UK leader in offshore wind power, and North Hoyle offshore wind farm, off the coast of Prestatyn. Both demonstrate the transformative nature of offshore wind for our country, through the energy that they generate and the local employment that they provide. Great British Energy will see that go even further, tackling the climate crisis and creating good-quality, long-term, sustainable skilled jobs in north Wales and across the UK.

Prestatyn’s beautiful stretch of coastline is not just useful for producing clean energy; it is also a hub of tourism, with its blue flag beaches, beautifully kept station and public gardens, and high street with lots of brilliant local businesses. Though I am proud to be the first MP for the new constituency of Clwyd East, I pay tribute to my predecessor in this part of the seat, Dr James Davies, the former MP for the Vale of Clwyd constituency. From Prestatyn, James used his time in Parliament to be a dementia champion, and served his country in Government.

Holywell is the next major town along the coast. St Winefride’s well, the Lourdes of Wales, brings in thousands of visitors a year. There is the old water mill at Basingwerk Abbey, based at Greenfield valley, famed for its cotton and textile mills in the 19th century, and latterly for its brilliant heritage trails, wonderful dog walks and very challenging parkrun. Holywell High Street is also home to Holywell Area Community Museum, which features my great-grandfather’s St John Ambulance uniform and my great-uncle’s mining helmet from the Point of Ayr colliery. Clwyd East has a proud mining heritage, with most families near the coast having links to the Point of Ayr or Bettisfield collieries. That heritage also formed an important part of my upbringing, and is the reason I am so proud of Labour’s commitment to end the injustice of the mineworkers’ pension scheme.

As the 684th woman to be elected to Parliament, I would like to pay tribute to Eirene White, a trail-blazer and—like yourself, Madam Deputy Speaker—a Deputy Speaker who was integral to Labour’s commitment to equal pay, as the 58th woman elected to Parliament.

Clwyd East has a vast and diverse geography, containing coastal towns, the Clwydian mountain range and the many unique villages at its base. These villages provide much in terms of innovation and activity, through the brilliant initiatives they champion and fantastic events that they hold—from community-owned pubs and shops to agricultural shows and music festivals. Hailing from the small village of Bagillt, I am immensely proud to have such a wealth of impressive, small and mighty villages in my constituency.

Farming is central to the economy and culture of Clwyd East, with 68% of the constituency serving as agricultural land. In May, I headed to Clawdd Offa farm, near Northop, to meet National Farmers Union county chairman David Williams and his family on their dairy farm. After a brief chat, we headed out into an enclosed field full of cows. In one of the more surreal moments of being a parliamentary candidate, I looked out in front of me and could not help but observe aloud, “Why would anyone want to spend their days in an enclosed space with hordes of rowdy, lowing mammals?”, to which David replied, “I quite agree Becky—you must be mad!”

Moving south, Clwyd East’s smallest town is Caerwys, which played host to the very first Eisteddfod, and is also the home of Dr Tim Erasmus, chair of the Caerwys Historical Society and my very much admired former politics teacher.

Next is the historic market town of Mold, a town very close to my heart as it is where I spent many summers performing with my dance school at Theatr Clwyd and where I went to sixth form at the Alun school. The Alun school worked to give its students the best opportunities to succeed—something that I am firmly committed to.

Maximising opportunities for young people is a passion that I know I share with one former predecessor from the Delyn constituency, David Hanson—after all, I first came to Parliament on work experience with David 13 years ago. So committed is David to providing opportunities for young people that he is continuing to monitor and support my development by joining the other place as Lord Hanson. I am so proud and excited to work alongside a political hero of mine under a new Labour Government, whose resolve to do the very same thing 32 years ago paved the way for me and a generation of young people to access opportunities and succeed.

Between 2019 and 2024, Delyn was served by Rob Roberts. I am heartened by Rob’s local roots and close ties with the community that brought him up, as well as his keenness to work with community councils and his proud use of the Welsh language, having gone to the Welsh-medium school Maes Garmon. Fel maen nhw’n dweud, “Cenedl heb iaith, cenedl heb galon.”—[Translation: As they say, “A country without a language is a country without a heart.”]

As well as having educated two MPs, Mold is also the home of Daniel Owen square; Bailey Hill, or Mold castle; and a thriving number of independent shops and businesses. With a summer recess of sampling cakes at local fêtes having taken its toll on my waistline, I am grateful to the brilliant independent clothes shops that have saved the day, including Simmi, where I found the perfect outfit to make my maiden speech in. [Hon. Members: “Hear, hear!”] Thank you; that is very kind! As is the case throughout the constituency, people in Mold take great pride in their town and contribute to the rolling series of events and festivals throughout the year.

I am also privileged to represent the beautiful town of Ruthin, with its rich history and enduring architecture. As well as Ruthin castle and its resident peacocks, the local community has worked to make sure that Ruthin’s old courthouse, jail and market hall are restored and open to the public. Ruthin also hosts the incredibly popular Ruthin festival, a fantastic annual event run by local volunteers and proudly conducted yn Gymraeg.

Heading over the horseshoe pass, the final large town of the constituency is Llangollen. As the host of the annual Llangollen International Musical Eisteddfod, Llan is proud to be the place where “Wales welcomes the world”. I did have tickets to the Eisteddfod this year—a night of west end musical numbers on 4 July—but clearly the right hon. Member for Richmond and Northallerton (Rishi Sunak) had other ideas.

With Llangollen in my constituency, I must hold the title for the constituency with the best and most varied days out. Where else could you expect to ride on a heritage steam train in the morning and head just 10 minutes down the road to kayak across an aqueduct with UNESCO world heritage status in the afternoon? Llangollen railway and the Froncysyllte aqueduct are only part of what Clwyd East has to offer. If you are feeling a bit dizzy at this point, Madam Deputy Speaker, that is because you have just travelled about 40 miles in—hopefully—around eight minutes.

Whether it is supporting local businesses to thrive, improving public transport, keeping our communities safe, improving people’s rights at work or helping young people to fulfil their potential, I will do all I can for the people of Clwyd East, and I will work tirelessly to repay the trust that they have placed in me.

I call the Lib Dem spokesperson.

I congratulate the new hon. Member for Clwyd East (Becky Gittins) on a wonderful whistle-stop tour of her constituency, from wonderful dog walks to rowdy cows in fields and fascinating museums that testify to the history of her constituency. We lived in Liverpool for 10 years, many years ago, and we visited her constituency many times and had wonderful days there. I know how beautiful it is.

Championing renewable energy is in our DNA as Liberal Democrats. Renewables are clean, cheap and popular. We welcome the fact that the new Government are turning around the damaging attitude taken by the Conservative Government and are attempting to make the UK once more a global leader in getting to net zero. We are absolutely on the side of the Government when it comes to the ambitious targets that are being set to get to net zero. We are pleased that through the Bill new steps are being taken to restore British investment in the green economy. The Bill must ensure that renewable energy and home insulation can be rolled out at speed so that we meet our climate targets, bring down energy bills and provide green, well-paid jobs in the future.

The previous Conservative Government’s obsession with oil and gas left us in a mess. The dithering, delaying and even denying of the Tory Government held us back. I have often said that net zero is not like a bus that we can miss and say, “Whoops! We’ll get the next one.” This is a target that we cannot miss, and delaying is just as bad as denying that climate change is happening at all.

Will the hon. Lady give way?

I am happy to give way; the right hon. Gentleman and I have had many discussions on this issue.

I wonder whether the hon. Lady knows of a single major economy on the planet that went faster than the previous Conservative Government in cutting emissions.

I am happy to respond to that, because I do believe that the UK was a global leader. There was cross-party agreement about net zero, but the last Government broke that agreement. That is our problem. Each year and each month matters when it comes to setting the pace to get to net zero. Instead of producing our own renewable energy, we were left reliant on fossil fuels—the energy of the past—and on dictators such as Vladimir Putin. In this unstable geopolitical environment, that was a death sentence and led to the catastrophe of the recent energy crisis.

Families are once again worried about another dramatic energy bill increase—we say that honestly to this Government and want to work with them on this issue—this time of £140 on a typical family’s annual energy bill. Pensioners are also rightly concerned about the Government’s plan to cut the winter fuel allowance for millions of the poorest and most vulnerable people. I raised the matter in business questions earlier and said what is important to us. We of course recognise that through the pension increase next April there will be relief for pensioners, but this winter, when things have become really difficult for pensioners, the Government should not make cuts before we have seen the benefits. We have been making that point and hope to work constructively. It is a political choice and, in our view, it is the wrong one, but it is pretty rich of the Conservative party to complain.

It is clear that if we are to hit our net zero targets, we must drive up investment in renewable energy. The Climate Change Committee’s 2024 progress report found that policy reversals and delays, together with inconsistent messaging, hindered progress just when acceleration was needed. Only around one third of the emission reductions required to meet the 2030 target are covered by our current plans. I challenged the shadow Secretary of State on what the Conservatives’ plans for decarbonising actually are, but we have had no answers. We must, for example, at least triple the operational capacity of offshore wind installations to meet our 2030 targets—and we Liberal Democrats absolutely believe in the 2030 targets.

New first-in-class renewable energy technologies are coming on the scene thick and fast, and the Government must find better mechanisms for funding them than we currently have in place. One example, if I may bring it up, is DRIFT Energy, which is based in my Bath constituency. I hope the Secretary of State is listening. DRIFT uses sailing ships to travel to the deep sea to harvest deep ocean wind and generate green hydrogen. Interesting technology is coming on board, but these new technologies still face many investment problems. The green hydrogen is then delivered to ports around the world—they are essentially fishing ships for energy. Truly novel technology like this does not fit neatly under a Department, so it becomes exceptionally hard to win grants, let alone multimillion-pound grant support. It is important that we are aware of that.

Does my hon. Friend agree that we need the Bill to look at and include schemes like the Cheltenham green deal, run by Cheltenham borough council, through which local organisations that could not otherwise fund green schemes are able to access funding borrowed by the local council? Such schemes will then make money and provide a return for the taxpayer so that local areas can start producing more renewable energy for themselves—for example, through the investment in solar panels on the roof of Cheltenham Town football club.

As I progress with my speech, my hon. Friend will hear that our focus on local authorities, local decision making and local involvement is crucial. Let us ensure that our emerging technologies, which have the potential to be hugely valuable, are not overlooked or forced to seek support from abroad.

Does my hon. Friend agree that the Secretary of State should take on board one of the emerging technologies that could deliver the most for Great British Energy: the potential for tidal range energy? In a previous life, I was responsible for the consenting of the Swansea tidal lagoon, which unfortunately the previous Government failed to fund. It is the second biggest tidal range in the world and could be a massive success story for Great British Energy and the UK. Does she agree that the Secretary of State should take that on board as a key objective of Great British Energy?

I totally agree, and I am sure that the Government will agree too. A lot of these decisions are ultimately about value for money; as these tidal range technologies come on board, they can become cheaper. I hear the Government are saying that this is exactly the plan: that, where it is currently expensive, Great British Energy can come in and provide support. We understand and support that principle.

This new Government must ensure that they have clear and consistent messages. Delays to the phase-out dates of fossil-fuel vehicles and boilers, as we saw under the last Government, have sent mixed signals to investors, businesses and consumers. We hope that GB Energy will go some way in providing confidence to other investment bodies and the wider industry that Britain’s green economy is open for business.

We Liberal Democrats realise the importance of community buy-in. The new Government must put local voices at the centre of the journey to deliver net zero. We need to win hearts and minds to persuade people that net zero projects are good for their communities, for their pockets and for our future national economy.

The Government have said that they believe communities that host renewable energy infrastructure should benefit from it, but there are currently no ways to force developers of on-ground mounted solar panel farms to provide community benefits. Does my hon. Friend agree that the Government should use this Bill to make provisions for guaranteed community benefits in these circumstances?

We have already had some detailed discussions about what we are doing with communities that have to host vital infrastructure, and it is important that the Government assure local communities and the Liberal Democrats that this will happen. As the Bill progresses, we need to discuss how we can get legal assurances and whether the Bill is the right place for this.

As I have said, we need to win hearts and minds to persuade people. Only with local consent can we successfully deliver the path to net zero, which is why we have called for communities living near large-scale infrastructure projects to receive community benefits—for example, through reducing energy costs and funding local initiatives. We are keen to work collaboratively to ensure that these benefits are in place in legislation.

We Liberal Democrats welcome the inclusion of clause 3, which lists specifically all the objects of GB Energy. Although those aims all have their merits, the Government have failed to include anything on community energy. That is especially disappointing—[Interruption.] May I continue? I will lay this out as I understand it—I worked on the all-party parliamentary group for community energy, and I will get to my point. It is especially disappointing that the new Government have failed to include anything on community energy, given their welcome words in the House about how important it is to enable community energy—I hear it again and again. It is no longer about words; we now have a Bill before us in which we can make this happen.

I will lay out what I think is necessary. Without the inclusion of community energy, the Bill will be a major missed opportunity. In the past, the now Secretary of State and his Ministers have been vocal champions of community energy. In a previous debate on making Britain a clean energy superpower, the Under-Secretary of State for Energy Security and Net Zero, the hon. Member for Rutherglen (Michael Shanks), stated:

“One of the missions of GB Energy will be around the idea of community-owned power.”

He has also advocated for local communities to have

“some sense of ownership of the assets”—[Official Report, 26 July 2024; Vol. 752, c. 942.]

that they generate. Last year, the Secretary of State himself tabled two enabling amendments on community energy to the then Energy Bill; his new clause 53 specifically would have required large-scale energy suppliers to offer a special agreement to small-scale energy companies. He has spoken at length about Labour’s local power plan, much of which we are in agreement with, but where is the commitment to community energy in this Bill?

The biggest issue we identify is that energy supply licensing conditions hinder small community energy projects from selling directly to consumers. In turn, this makes it difficult to retain advantages for local communities—discounts on their energy bills, for example, or raising new money to invest in new projects. The high burdens and costs currently involved in being a licensed energy supplier mean that not a single community energy project in all the UK can sell its power directly to local people. Locally sourced energy does not travel further across the nationwide grid, and therefore reduces that constraint on it, but the cost-benefits of selling locally produced energy to local consumers are not going to community projects and nor do they benefit the consumer. That must change. Regulatory changes are required; the Government must put them in place or stop talking about their support for community energy.

Community energy schemes need to receive a guaranteed, discounted price for the clean electricity that they contribute to the energy system. If the costs of selling their power to local households and businesses were proportionate, many more community energy schemes would become financially viable and we would get many more than we have; I urge the Government to really look at our concerns and what we can include in the Bill to make these regulatory changes. Clause 3 is the ideal place to add community energy and ensure that it is one of Great British Energy’s objects.

To conclude, we Liberal Democrats welcome the steps being taken to restore British investment in renewable energy after the mess left by the previous Government. These steps will help us to bring down energy bills, create high-quality jobs, increase our energy security and, of course, reach net zero. However, there is a clear gap in this Bill for community energy, despite Labour’s manifesto committing to it, and we urge the Government to listen to our concerns.

I call Mike Reader to make his maiden speech.

I have had the opportunity to hear some amazing maiden speeches in this House. Following such fantastic speeches, I must admit that I feel a bit nervous standing here, but I am also deeply honoured to be in the House. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Clwyd East (Becky Gittins) for her fantastic maiden speech and for graciously meeting my family when they visited last year; they are her constituents. It is clear to me that the talent, enthusiasm and fresh thinking that the new cohort of MPs are bringing into this House will help to restore our country’s fortunes and deliver the change that the country voted for.

I am delighted to make my first speech in the debate on GB Energy. For many years, it has not sat right with me that our neighbours and trading partners around the world have benefited from the investment of UK plc in clean energy. Whether it is wind farms built in Scandinavia, or investment in nuclear by our French Government partners, the UK public has been sold short on clean energy investment. It is right that the Labour Government are taking forward plans for sovereign, safe and secure energy in the UK—that is very welcome in my constituency.

I will use this speech to introduce myself and my constituency to the House, recognise the careers of my predecessors, and to set out my vision for the future of Northampton. Despite coming from a family of teachers and educators, and despite the best efforts of my dad, who joins me today from the Public Gallery, and my mum, who is watching from home, school and exams definitely did not come naturally to me. After a difficult results day, I managed to get to university via a foundation degree, and I found my passion in civil engineering.

I have been fortunate since then to have progressed through the industry—from engineering to commercial and project management—and then into senior leadership roles. I am really proud to have been recognised as a global leader in my field by my peers in the profession, despite a less-than-ideal start in life—one of my own making—and to have had my career shaped by amazing experiences, projects and people around the world. I thank in particular my friend and mentor, Jon Williams, who has helped me the whole way through my journey, and my very good friend and former podcast co-host, Jeremy Brim, for all their guidance. I also thank my former bosses, Jason Millett and Davendra Dabasia, and my amazing former work-winning team, for giving me the space and support that I needed to pursue my political passions alongside a demanding day job.

I come to this place as an advocate for the built environment. To be honest, I could not be in a better place now, with a Government focused on growth and on transforming and future-proofing our energy, housing and transportation infrastructure. Many of my friends and industry colleagues asked why on earth I would want to stand for Parliament, but my journey into the world of politics has been shaped by my time in industry. I first saw the impact of austerity on my public sector clients, with school programmes cancelled, infrastructure investment stalled and hospitals left crying out for funding. That drove me to join the Labour party and find my political voice, determined to ensure that our public sector gets from Government the support and funding that it desperately needs.

When the opportunity came to stand and make a difference, I chose to stand where I live: Northampton. I met my wife Katie, who also joins us from the Public Gallery, just down the road in Wellingborough, and Northamptonshire has been my home for nearly 20 years now. I still have a place in my heart for my home town of Romsey, which is well represented by you, Madam Deputy Speaker. [Hon. Members: “Hear, hear!”] But I am proud to call myself a Northamptonian and to represent the town that I live in and love.

Northampton South is a vibrant constituency. From Duston and Upton in the west, the Hunsburys and Shelfleys, Wootton, Collingtree, Hardingstone and Great Houghton in the south, and areas such as Weston Favell, Billing and Rectory Farm in the eastern district, each area of my beautiful constituency has its own individual identity. In the centre of my constituency remains the legacy of the shoe-and-boot trade that was once the main employer in my town. The Church’s shoe factory remains in St James, and the surrounding terraces in Far Cotton and Delapre are still standing strong nearly 200 years after they were built. As my hon. Friend the Member for Northampton North (Lucy Rigby) noted yesterday, Church’s holds the honour of being the chosen cordwainer of a renowned former Member for Sedgefield.

Great institutions such as our university, our general hospital, our football club and our Premiership-winning rugby club sit in Northampton South. [Interruption.] I was expecting a “Shoe army!” then, but that’s fine. My constituency includes Brackmills, one of the most successful business improvement districts in the UK. Thousands of people are employed at Brackmills, which plays host to over 330 brilliant businesses, spanning food production, logistics and fulfilment, manufacturing, healthcare, and research and development. I look forward to working with the BID team to ensure that it continues to be a major employment hub in Northampton South for years to come. Anyone who has visited my constituency or grew up there will know that we are the home of the national lift tower, which stands at over 400 feet high—taller than the Statue of Liberty.

The formation of the newly shaped Northampton South constituency means that I have had the opportunity to take over from two former Members of Parliament who had had very different experiences and careers in this House, and I would like to pay tribute to them both. Andrew Lewer, the previous MP for the former Northampton South constituency, was focused on parliamentary business and tackled the challenges that he saw as the most important to the UK. He championed the Motor Neurone Disease Association, which is headquartered in Northampton, as well as independent schools and house building. Locally, he will continue to be recognised through the annual Spencer Percival debate that he helped to set up in the town. He is also the only person to have held the positions of leader of a council, Member of the European Parliament and Member of this House—a testament to his public service.

I also take over in part from Dame Andrea Leadsom, the former Member of Parliament for South Northamptonshire. Many of the southern villages that have now joined Northampton South were in her constituency. Dame Andrea served as a Secretary of State under the previous Government, and had a formidable record of championing parents and children, including by establishing the Northamptonshire Parent Infant Partnership in my county. Many of the people who have written to me since my election have praised her advocacy for them as their constituency MP. It is clear that she made a massive difference not only in this House but in our county.

Northampton may hold the accolade of being the largest town in the UK—I will take that up with hon. Members for Reading after the debate—but our town has had a continual lack of investment, and a lack of vision and drive to make it better. Unfortunately, we have had no shortage of Conservative scandals: public loans to our football club went missing, our county council was made bankrupt, the former police, fire and crime commissioner stood down over misogyny complaints, and alleged domestic abuse meant that that the leader of the council resigned and now stands as an independent. Trust in politicians in Northampton is at an all-time low, but there is hope for Northampton, and it comes with a Labour Government.

This Labour Government will make Northampton a place to be proud of. We will tackle our chronic air quality challenges; fix our roads; improve our bus network; ensure that housing is affordable, of good quality and highly sustainable; make work pay and a route out of poverty; grow the co-operative, social enterprise and mutual sector in our town; bring NHS dentists back to Northampton; end the 8 am scramble for GP appointments; face head-on the funding gap left in our public services; and address the special educational needs and disabilities crisis that is rocking our county.

It is clear that there is a lot of work to do, but as I said in my acceptance speech at the count, the hard work starts here, and I really mean it. I cannot wait to get started.

Let me be the first to congratulate the hon. Member for Northampton South (Mike Reader) on his maiden speech. He has demonstrated in two ways that he is quite a rare beast. Being an engineer is not a widely held profession in this House, and he will no doubt bring great value with that expertise and experience, but his business experience is also extremely valuable. I am afraid that if he looks around him on the Labour Benches, he will see precious few people with any business experience—as the Secretary of State has shown with his Bill.

The Bill is about setting up a shell company. That is it. The idea that that constitutes an energy policy is a complete myth. In fact, the Government have not even produced an energy policy. There has not been a White Paper on UK energy policy under this Government. There are no pages full of data and numbers to give us any confidence that the Government know what they are trying to achieve, how they will achieve it, or what the risks are.

In fact, that was given away in an astonishing letter that the Secretary of State wrote to the director of the electricity system operator, asking for all the information that one would expect the Government to have given that this was a major platform in their manifesto. [Interruption.] The Under-Secretary of State for Energy Security and Net Zero, the hon. Member for Rutherglen (Michael Shanks), shakes his head—I will give way to him if he wants to intervene—but where are the numbers? Where is the data backing up this wild assertion that just going all out for renewables will provide security of supply and lower energy costs? It is a mantra that Labour Members keep repeating to themselves with increasing enthusiasm and vehemence to make up for the fact that they have no numbers to back up their assertions.

Let me be clear about one thing: I am an advocate of achieving net zero. I believe in the target of net zero by 2050—indeed, I am a member of the net zero all-party parliamentary group. When Members hear me speak, they are not listening to some luddite or climate change denier. I want this policy to work, but there are very considerable risks, which are evidenced by reading between the lines for what is not in the Secretary of State’s letter and what is clearly flagged in Fintan Slye’s response to it.

Does the hon. Member not recognise that under the previous Government, the UK was falling badly behind on investment, when other countries— particularly the US—had transformed the investment that they were drawing in by making very big Government commitments to some projects, particularly nascent ones? Does he not recognise that that sort of Government support makes a big difference to business confidence?

I do not agree with that, simply because we have seen massive investment in renewables over the past 14 years, as the former Minister, my right hon. Friend the Member for Beverley and Holderness (Graham Stuart), and the shadow Secretary of State, my right hon. Friend the Member for East Surrey (Claire Coutinho), set out. We have been making fantastic progress with bringing renewables on stream, but there are considerable questions to ask. I wish it were as simple as setting up a shell company and saying, “We are going to get the state to do everything”, but I am afraid it is not. As the shadow Secretary of State pointed out, Ørsted and EDF make massive losses, and either the taxpayer has to pay for those losses or those costs go on to electricity bills.

The Secretary of State announced on Tuesday that we have got all this renewable capacity coming on stream—enough to power 11 million homes. That is if we match the maximum capacity of the renewables with the average annual demand of those homes, but of course renewables are intermittent. It seems such an obvious thing to say, but we have to say it: sometimes the sun is shining, sometimes the wind is blowing, and sometimes we have enough water for hydroelectric power, but sometimes not. In the winter months, solar makes very little contribution—it makes no contribution in the dark, at night. [Interruption.] It may seem obvious, and the hon. Member for Stroud (Dr Opher) may laugh, but we need to point these things out, because when the Secretary of State says that renewables are cheaper than fossil fuels, he is comparing the strike price with the cost of buying marginal supply capacity when we need that extra marginal supply.

The strike price will not be reflected in our electricity bills, because we have to add in other things, such as system balancing costs. We have to add in grid infrastructure costs, because renewables require massive investment in grid infrastructure. We have to add in the costs of importing through interconnectors when we do not have enough domestic supply. We have not begun to factor in storage costs—the storage capacity of our electricity system is still miniscule. Members should read the Royal Society paper on creating electricity storage in this country: it is going to be astronomically expensive, and will probably still not be enough. Then there are constraint payments—oh, yes, the constraint payments. This year, we are paying £500 million to renewable producers under the contracts for difference scheme not to produce electricity when they can produce it, because that is how the system works. That is how we have attracted so much investment, but those payments are going to be about £1.5 billion next year.

I would like the Government to produce some forecasts. How much will the balancing costs be in each year over the next 10 or 15 years? How much grid infrastructure investment will need to be funded? That appears on our electricity bills—it is the standing charge, and boy, that charge is going to go up with all the infrastructure investment that we will require. How much will we have to spend on importing electricity? The two interconnectors coming into East Anglia as part of the Norwich to Tilbury programme will be importing electricity. They are not for exporting, because the only security of supply we will have if we have shut down all our combined cycle gas power stations by 2030 is from other places.

The Minister shakes his head, but if we have shut down all that capacity—if we cannot generate the electricity ourselves—we will have to get it from other places. There are phenomena called wind droughts, which can go on for very long periods. What are we going to do when the wind turbines are not turning and the sun is not shining during a very cold spell in the middle of winter? We had one or two close scares this winter. The generating margin that we used to enjoy has gone. The great risk of accelerating the decarbonisation of the electricity system is that there will be more appeals for voluntary or compulsory restraint from industry, because industry is the hidden customer that is shut off when we are short of electricity, or we risk more brownouts or even blackouts. That is not impossible, so where is the data upon which the Minister is placing so much confidence that shows these forecasts to be wrong? I am not making them off my own bat —there are plenty of people out there making them.

That brings me to the final brief point I want to make. I understand the logic that the Minister explained in his letter to me.

I am sure that a Member with the experience of the hon. Gentleman will know that Britain returned to being a net exporter of electricity last year, so assuming that there will be additional costs from importing electricity due to the transition to renewables simply does not stack up. Does he also recognise that when the sun does not shine and the wind does not blow, the tide still rises and falls twice a day, 365 days a year? A future resting on renewable energy is possible, and we need to have that ambition for the United Kingdom.

I absolutely share that ambition, but the question is how quickly we can get there. At the moment, tidal power produces almost nothing as a proportion of our electricity requirement. It is also intermittent, by the way: four times a day, there is a period during which it does not generate anything and we need to replace that supply with other things. The real challenge is how we get to the objective that the hon. Gentleman and I share in a rational way that carries the British public with us. It is noticeable that what people are complaining about most is the price on their electricity bills. Today, the constraint costs, balancing costs, infrastructure costs and import costs that I mentioned make up perhaps 50% of domestic electricity bills. If that figure is wrong, let the Minister produce some figures of his own that explain what proportion of consumers’ bills arises from all those factors, because it is not explained. There is no transparency on our electricity bills.

On the hon. Gentleman’s point about the objective of decarbonisation, we are not going to get there at all if we lose the public—if the lights start browning out or going out, and we find that we cannot meet demand. To some extent, we are piling up that demand by decarbonising transport and other parts of the system, including decarbonising building heating through heat pumps. The demand for electricity will rise, but our capacity to produce it reliably at all hours and in all conditions is being reduced.

On the question of imports and exports, we might become a net exporter of electricity, but perhaps the hon. Gentleman can explain how the price at which we are exporting compares with the price at which we are importing. The difficulty is that we will be importing when the wind is not blowing or the sun is not shining, and it is likely that the wind will not be blowing across the entirety of the North sea, so we will be importing fossil fuel-generated power at a very high cost to compensate for the fact that we have got rid of our own gas production and gas-fired power stations. I am not sure that situation will be very good.

If the hon. Gentleman would look at the Arup report on the Tarchon interconnector, which will come into my constituency under the present plans, he will see that that interconnector will not actually contribute very much to security of supply, but will be used almost entirely to export when there is too much wind. It will export at below the strike price if there is too much wind and it will export at a loss, and the cost will finish up on the bills of the British consumer. So the British consumer is paying for all the investment, paying for the strike prices, paying for the infrastructure and then paying to subsidise the exports to the Germans, who will be the beneficiaries of all this investment.

I appeal to the Minister to just read the Arup report and look at this. That is why I asked about the offshore co-ordination support scheme work that has been done. I am not going to ask for the impossible and ask him to revive the OCSS, but I would like from him an assurance that the work ESO has done will not simply be thrown away and wasted. Please can he assure the House that that work will be incorporated into the spatial plan that ESO says it wants to produce? Some very interesting innovations came out of that work, but there was also a lot of work discrediting the long-term viability of Norwich to Tilbury and, looking on a different timeframe—in the longer term—that could produce a much more viable alternative than is currently on the table. There is still work to be done on that, but I have no doubt that Fintan Slye will want to do that work as part of his project for the Government.

I would like to know that the Minister is going to support the holistic approach to which the Secretary of State referred, because Norwich to Tilbury is certainly not the product of a strategic approach to electricity grid upgrading. We need a much more strategic approach, and I am looking for that from this Government, but it certainly will not come from this Bill.

Order. You will all be able to see—and you can all sit down while I am speaking—that a huge number of Members are seeking to catch my eye. For those not making their maiden speech, I intend to introduce a six-minute time limit. That should give those preparing their speeches plenty of time to chop out the extraneous words.

I call Chris Hinchliff to make his maiden speech.

Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker, for the opportunity to give my maiden speech in this important debate. The ongoing transition of our energy system is having a profound and, sadly, often harmful impact on many of the communities in my constituency, so I am very hopeful that the provisions in the Bill will begin at last to put the future of renewable energy in the service of those I represent. I warmly commend to my hon. Friends on the Front Bench the proposals, of which I am sure they will be aware, for Great British Energy to be given a duty to deliver nature recovery alongside its other objectives.

I begin this speech by paying tribute to my predecessor, who served our constituency and this House faithfully for many years. The clear proof of the diligence with which he carried out his duties and the respect he earned from his constituents was plainly obvious from the feedback on the doorstep throughout the general election. I especially want to thank my predecessor for the work he did to support the campaign for Hugh’s law to secure better financial support for parents caring for seriously ill children, and also for his work fighting for the restoration of the several internationally significant chalk schemes that flow through North East Hertfordshire. I look forward to doing what I can to further both of those important projects during my time in this place.

Although the many years of my predecessor’s incumbency have all but erased it from our memory, I am not in fact the first Member of my party to represent communities in North East Hertfordshire. The late, great, trailblazing Shirley Williams, when she was first elected as a Labour MP, represented many of the areas that make up my constituency. Despite the intervening 60 years, I found reading her maiden speech from 1964 very helpful in preparing for this moment, for, as she said then, the constituency I represent is in “many ways…a microcosm” of much of our country.

North East Hertfordshire from Hinxworth to Bayford contains many small rural communities full of important history and culture—from the home of George Orwell in Wallington to the stained-glass windows designed by William Morris and pre-Raphaelite artists in Waterford. In Baldock, Buntingford and Royston, we have quintessentially English market towns, home to fantastic independent businesses as well as nationally significant companies such as Johnson Matthey. In Letchworth, we have the world’s first garden city, built on the principles of the common ownership of land, which to this day offers a radical example of how to better design and build the communities of the future. Surrounding it all, we have some of the best agricultural land in the country, with local farmers such as those near Groundswell in Weston and Finches farm in Benington spearheading the ecological innovation we need to grow fantastic food in harmony with nature.

Yet in my experience of speaking to residents right across North East Hertfordshire, the recurring theme is of communities dispirited and frustrated at having their needs put aside in the interests of what others have called progress, so I will close by mentioning one debt of honour that I want to bring to hon. Members’ attention at this time. I have been asked to keep the following story anonymous by the family in question, but I believe it illustrates powerfully how the communities outside our urban centres are too often treated.

During the general election, as I reached the last road canvassing in a particularly idyllic village in my constituency, I came to knock on the final door in a quiet row of terraces. After initially waiting without answer, I was about to leave when I was called over by a voice from the passenger seat of a nearby car. The gentleman sat there was not old and was keen to speak, but was clearly very ill. Between painful coughing and laboured breathing, he explained to me how in the construction of new housing in the meadow beyond his street, agricultural sheds containing asbestos were demolished with almost incomprehensible recklessness in a single afternoon by workers who were themselves equipped with virtually none of the necessary protective equipment. Rather than the asbestos being carefully removed, it was smashed up on site, creating large clouds of hazardous dust right next to the existing homes.

The gentleman I was speaking to had, tragically, subsequently contracted asbestosis, which had ruined his health and left him barely able to travel from his front door to his car. Despite the concerns he raised at the time, no one was ever held to account for these actions, and he urged me passionately to raise the dangers associated with the rushed and unsafe demolition of agricultural buildings containing asbestos at the earliest opportunity if I was elected as his MP. I am sorry to inform the House that when I returned a few weeks later to speak to him about honouring his request and including this story in my maiden speech, I was told by his widow that he had recently passed away. The chance for any meaningful justice for this family has now gone with him. Meanwhile, developers have no doubt pocketed a return on investment that much fatter for having fatally cut corners at the expense of local residents.

Whether it is profit-led developments, the cancellation of bus routes, or the closure of banks and village schools, the fundamental experience of towns and villages like those in North East Hertfordshire has too often been one of being done to and expected to endure, rather than one of being looked after, worked with and empowered to contribute. It is this, above all, that I hope to chip away at in my contributions in this place. I thank the House for listening patiently to my first attempt, and my constituents for giving me the opportunity to do so.

I call Liz Jarvis to make her maiden speech.

Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker, for giving me the opportunity to make my maiden speech during the debate on this important Bill. I welcome efforts to provide renewable energy, bring down heating bills and support the growth of our green manufacturing industry. I hope the Bill will make clear provisions for GB Energy to engage with local communities such as mine in Eastleigh. I would also like to congratulate the hon. Member for North East Hertfordshire (Chris Hinchliff) on his excellent speech.

I am incredibly humbled and honoured to be the Liberal Democrat Member of Parliament for Eastleigh, and grateful to all those who put their trust in me to represent them. I am also grateful to everyone who encouraged me on my journey to Westminster, but particularly Baroness Floella Benjamin, the former MP for Eastleigh Mike Thornton and the family of David Chidgey. Lord Chidgey was committed to fighting to keep our precious chalk stream, the River Itchen, free from sewage and pollution. As my constituents know, I am continuing his legacy. I also thank my predecessor and his team for their prompt response to hand over casework.

My constituency is a vibrant community of towns and villages. The town of Eastleigh grew up around the railway line between Southampton and Winchester, and was named by local author Charlotte Yonge. Eastleigh became a local point of aerial efforts during the first and second world wars, with Spitfires taking off from the airfield, which is now Southampton airport. We have beautiful green spaces including Stoke Park wood in Bishopstoke, Flexford nature reserve in Valley Park, and Hiltingbury lakes in Chandler’s Ford. West End is home to the Utilita Bowl cricket ground, where the late great Shane Warne captained Hampshire, a proud part of our sporting tradition. We are also incredibly proud of our Spitfires, Eastleigh football club, who play in the national league.

We have all been inspired by our extraordinary athletes competing at the Olympics and Paralympics this summer. I hope the House will join me in congratulating Eastleigh-born three-time Paralympic champion David Smith on his recent bronze medal win in Paris, and on his tireless championing of boccia. Eastleigh’s Olympic heritage stretches back to 1932, when local hero Tommy Green, who was unable to walk until the age of five due to rickets, went on to win a gold medal in the men’s 50 km walk.

My constituency is also home to the fantastic Point theatre, with its brilliant programme of cultural events all year round, including the always popular Unwrapped festival, and we are lucky to have many fine pubs and craft breweries, including Steam Town in Eastleigh town, and Steel Tank Alehouse in Chandler’s Ford. I also recommend the luscious Victoria sponge at Fountain café in Fair Oak.

Eastleigh has a proud history of helping to support refugees and evacuees. In May 1937, children and adults fleeing the Spanish civil war were housed at a refugee camp in North Stoneham. Eight-five years ago this week, Eastleigh communities welcomed evacuees from Gosport, and in 1940, refugees from Southampton. More recently, our local council was one of the first authorities in England to house refugees fleeing the Taliban during the 2021 Afghanistan evacuation, and people across the constituency threw open their doors to families fleeing the war in Ukraine. Earlier this summer, Eastleigh hosted the always popular annual Mela, organised by our Asian Welfare and Cultural Association, and in a few weeks, it will be Eastleigh Pride. We have a warm, inclusive community in Eastleigh, which is very important to me, as is fighting to ensure that everyone in our community can access the NHS services they need, including GP and dentist appointments, and mental health care when they need it.

My mum died in March after a seven-year struggle with Alzheimer’s, and as anyone who has experience of caring for a loved one with dementia will know, with that awful disease you lose the person twice. Mum was the daughter of Irish migrants, a member of the women’s liberation movement who took me on my first march when I was a toddler, and a member of the Labour party who knew MPs Joan Lestor and Tom Cox well. She would go on to become a senior social worker. My dad was from Hampshire and a former officer in the British Army who served his country for 16 years. Although my mum and dad were diametrically opposed politically, they shared a strong sense of compassion, and they raised my sister and me with those same values.

Unfortunately, my parents were never in a position to own their own home, so I grew up in rented accommodation with all the insecurity and uncertainty that goes with it. When my dad died suddenly before my 21st birthday, my mum found herself in the position that far too many people are facing today, with spiralling rents and the prospect of eviction looming over them. Since becoming the MP for Eastleigh, I have received letters from residents facing eviction through no fault of their own on an almost daily basis. I am proud that my party has been pushing for higher standards for renters so that everyone has a safe and secure home.

As a comprehensive-educated single mum who skipped meals to feed my son and keep a roof over his head during the so-called great recession, I know all too well how easy it can be to fall through the gaps. After 14 years of the previous Government, far too many families in Eastleigh simply do not have any kind of safety net and are living hand to mouth. It is incredibly important that we do everything we can to support those who continue to struggle with the cost of living and to lift children out of poverty, including by scrapping the two-child benefit cap, as well ensuring that all children have access to the education they deserve, including those with special educational needs.

I am passionate about ensuring that all children and young people in Eastleigh and across the UK are given the support, resources and opportunities to thrive and fulfil their full potential. I will conclude by acknowledging the vital role that our local charities play in supporting families in Eastleigh, including Citizen’s Advice Eastleigh, Pavilions in the Park, Youth Options, and many more. I promise I will do everything I can to support everyone in our community during my time in Westminster, and to be the strong voice in Parliament that the people of Eastleigh deserve.

I call Sarah Champion.

Thank you Madam Deputy Speaker, and may I congratulate you on being in the Chair? It is pleasing to me and a benefit to the House to have three strong women in that position. I also congratulate the hon. Member for Eastleigh (Liz Jarvis), who used her personal experience to speak of her pleasure and pride in her constituency. Her personal, lived experiences will make her a much stronger MP in this House; I welcome her to her place.

Rotherham is a hub of innovative green energy research and production, which is integral to the UK’s energy transition. Our Advanced Manufacturing Research Centre—AMRC—boasts expertise in nuclear, fusion, hydrogen and the construction of offshore wind turbine blades. That creates good, skilled jobs for Rotherham and contributes more than £55 million to the South Yorkshire economy every year. The AMRC is also home to the UK’s first sustainable aviation fuel facility, and therefore I welcome the SAF Bill which is coming soon.

Rotherham’s renewable production does not stop there. Our fusion technology facility works with industry and science, to pioneer fusion energy as a major source of low-carbon electricity. Templeborough power station, a biomass plant, sustainably converts waste wood into energy. It uses recycled sawdust, wood chippings and scrap that would go into landfill, and is used in my constituency by Esken Renewables to fuel the power station. In doing so it saves 150,000 tonnes of carbon dioxide every year. The research and innovation taking place every day in Rotherham gives it a unique role to play in this Government’s ambitious energy plans, and there is an open invitation to the Secretary of State and Ministers to visit the opportunities in my constituency. I ask the Minister to include community energy as one of the specific objectives in clause 3 of the Bill.

An inquiry by the Environmental Audit Committee outlined the enormous contribution that community energy schemes can bring, while reducing dependency on international energy imports. I express my gratitude to Ministers for not pursuing the legal challenge on the closure of the Rosebank oilfield. When the Conservatives were in power they granted new oil and gas licences to sites such as Rosebank, but over a third of licences granted overlapped with marine protected areas and failed to consider the impact on biodiversity and marine health. MPAs are intended to protect rare, threatened and important species from damage caused by human activities. Instead, innumerable careless decisions by the last Government led to 215 spills over the previous 12 years, resulting in 308 tonnes of oil being spilled and a devastating biodiversity decline in the very areas we should be protecting the most.

Like many in the Chamber I believe that solar energy has a key role to play in our transition to a low-carbon economy. However, I am concerned that without incorporating human rights mechanisms in the Bill, the transition will not be clean or just. It is well documented that solar photovoltaic supply chains have a sinister dependency on forced labour programmes in the Xinjiang autonomous region of China, where the Chinese Government are systematically persecuting millions of Uyghur, Turkic and Muslim- majority people on the basis of their religion and ethnicity. The People’s Republic of China’s global market share across the solar PV supply chain exceeds 80%. The Uyghur region has become the dominant global sourcing location for critical inputs for the solar industry. An estimated 35% of global polysilicon—used in almost all solar panels worldwide—is produced in Xinjiang. China’s rapid success in the industry has been achieved with low-cost, subsidised, dirty coal, completely undermining the green credentials it boasts.

As early as 2021, the US enacted the Uyghur Forced Labour Prevention Act, which placed a ban on the importation of products from the Uyghur region, including shipments of solar panels with connections to Xinjiang. The legislation has been highly effective, with the market responding with new, ethical supply chains. Canada, the EU and Mexico have followed suit with similar regulations, but we have fallen behind. I urge the Minister to address that failing, now that evidence has emerged of global supply chains bifurcating, with tainted solar goods being redirected to countries with weaker regulation, such as the UK. Our nation has become a dumping ground for dodgy solar. With this Bill, it is vital that we make a U-turn on the mistakes of our predecessors.

I welcomed the Secretary of State for Business and Trade saying this morning that he expects and demands

“no modern slavery in any part”

of our solar supply chain. He expressed a willingness to extend legislation to help tackle the problem. We must raise standards with this Bill by committing to the production and supply of clean energy that is free from slavery and state-imposed forced labour at any stage of the supply chain, and I will be tabling amendments to that effect. In tandem, we must seriously consider implementing an import ban. Like the US prevention Act, it would need to ban renewable energy products made in whole or in part with state-imposed Uyghur forced labour. I hope the Minister will meet me to discuss that further.

It is hard to overstate the importance of the energy sector to my constituents and, indeed, to the whole of north-east Scotland, so I am grateful to be called today. First, I must address the reports that Great British Energy might be headquartered in Aberdeen. The Government are still yet to confirm that, saying that it is speculation, but the manner in which they have managed this announcement speaks volumes. The ambiguity and the joking about when an announcement might be made, and then just saying that the headquarters will be in Scotland, do absolutely nothing to help the speculation and delayed decisions or give the industry any confidence. These layers of uncertainty are driving away investment and creating a less secure job environment in north-east Scotland. Aberdeen has always been the energy capital of Europe. It has been that way for half a century, so it is the most logical choice for the headquarters.

I have significant reservations and concerns, which I will outline today. The North sea oil and gas industry is not just part of the economy in Aberdeenshire, but the bedrock on which our communities and my constituents in Gordon and Buchan have built their livelihoods for generations. It is not just about the direct jobs in the industry and the associated services in the hospitality sector, for example. An overall economic ecosystem has developed, and that is why it is critical that we manage the energy transition properly, so that the north-east of Scotland does not become the next region to suffer industrial decline as the mining areas did. I am sure that the Secretary of State, the Minister and the Labour party do not want that on their record.

The Government’s plan for Great British Energy, coupled with the energy profits levy, puts the industry at risk at this vital time. The proposed increases and the removal of the investment allowances could be a death knell for investment in our area. Let me be clear: this is not about protecting the profits of large companies just for profits’ sake; it is about protecting the jobs and skills and futures of our communities. Offshore Energies UK has warned that the tax increase could see investments in the UK cut, and that they might fall from £14.1 billion to £2.3 billion between now and 2029. That is not scaremongering; it is what the industry is facing.

We can take today’s figure of £14.1 billion of private investment and compare that with what the Government are suggesting: £8.3 billion of public investment into GB Energy just to create an investment vehicle. We already have an investment stream in the north-east of Scotland. It is not Government money that is needed, but a stable, fair, globally competitive market for our national and multinational companies. They will do the business. Public money to create GB Energy while simultaneously introducing these punitive taxation and other measures that are projected to drive away investment just does not make sense, because the same investment in capital, skills and personnel that we need for our energy security today are also vital for an effective and efficient transition to clean energy.

I have a number of questions for the Government about Great British Energy, and I will start with job security and creation. How will Great British Energy protect existing jobs in Aberdeenshire’s energy sector? We have already seen a significant loss of jobs due to the oil price downturn and market uncertainty. The Government boast that Great British Energy will create 650,000 new jobs, 69,000 of which are projected to be in Scotland, but we need specifics. Figures have been provided at a regional level across England, but we have only one figure for the whole of Scotland.

The distribution of jobs in Scotland is currently heavily weighted towards Aberdeen, Aberdeenshire and the north-east, so no matter how many jobs might or might not be generated by GB Energy in Scotland, my constituents want and need to know where those jobs will be. Can the Minister confirm when he sums up how many of the jobs will be in Aberdeenshire and the north-east, what types of roles they will be and when they will be created? Already, oil and gas workers are losing their jobs and moving abroad to maintain or progress their careers. They are the workers we need for the transition.

Secondly, we must consider the economic impact on our local communities. For example, how will the wealth that flows into our local infrastructure and economy and community projects be replicated in the future under Great British Energy? Looking at the national picture, the Oil and Gas Authority estimates that the total revenue from oil and gas production in the five years to 2024 was £5.3 billion. Are the Secretary of State and the Chancellor willing to sacrifice that in the pursuit of an accelerated transition? That would be a significant dent in the £8.3 billion of public investment.

We need a balanced approach. We are not against the energy transition, and we recognise that the transition will take time, but rushing it could have severe consequences for communities such as mine in Gordon and Buchan. We are after net zero, not absolute zero. They are different things, and we do not need to banish oil and gas from our energy mix immediately in order prematurely to be on the road to net zero.

The people of Gordon and Buchan and indeed all of north-east Scotland are not against change. We have been at the forefront of energy innovation for decades, but we need the transition to work for our communities and to build their strength, rather than dismantle them. We must protect jobs. I call on the Government to provide clear answers, not just high-level projections, on how we expect Great British Energy to benefit, not harm, the existing industry in Gordon and Buchan. Our communities have so much to lose if we get this wrong, and they deserve our help with a comprehensive plan, not ideology.

I call Uma Kumaran to make her maiden speech.

I am grateful for the opportunity to make my maiden speech with my parents and husband in the Gallery today. I congratulate the hon. Member for Eastleigh (Liz Jarvis), who gave an impassioned speech showing how deeply she cares for her community, its heritage and in particular the history of caring for refugees. She spoke so lovingly of her late parents.

It is the honour of my life to be elected as the first ever MP for Stratford and Bow. I was born in east London, and I have lived in Stratford and in Bow. I studied at one of our brilliant local universities, Queen Mary. To go from local student to local MP in 20 years has been quite the homecoming. Not getting our declaration result until nearly 6 am really did bring back memories of stumbling home from uni.

I pay tribute to the force of nature Lyn Brown, who served her home West Ham as the Member of Parliament for 19 years, and for a total of 36 years of selfless service to communities in Newham. A true east London girl, her guidance and support have been invaluable. I have no doubt that her contribution to the east end and public life will continue. I also inherit Bow from my hon. Friend the Member for Bethnal Green and Stepney (Rushanara Ali). She is another trail-blazer, as the first Bangladeshi-origin woman elected to Parliament. She has inspired a generation with the promise of what is possible.

Although Stratford and Bow is a new parliamentary constituency, its history is old and rich. The Women’s Hall at Old Ford Road in Bow was home to Sylvia Pankhurst and Norah Smyth and the headquarters of the East London Federation of Suffragettes from 1914 until 1924. It was the beating heart of the east end suffrage movement, and the home of the matchgirls’ strike and the largest union of women and girls in the country. Every corner is filled with the history of the struggle for women’s rights and for our voices to be heard; a history that I will work every day to honour. As a proud grand- daughter of a trade unionist and a member of the GMB union, I go forward in their memory and will continue to fight for working people.

Parts of my constituency have been represented by illustrious political figures including Charles Key, Keir Hardie, Lansbury and Clement Attlee, who led the Labour Government that created our beloved NHS—so no pressure on this new Member. Our stunning Victoria park with its breathtaking canals opened to the public in 1845 and became the people’s park: a centre for political meetings and rallies with speakers such as William Morris and Annie Besant.

It is not just political history that we are blessed with in Stratford and Bow. I am sure that many hon. Members in the Chamber love nothing more than going home after a long day sitting in the Chamber and putting on their favourite grime playlist. They can thank Bow for playing an integral part in the origins of grime music, with Roman Road and its once-beloved record shop producing artists and crews such as Roll Deep and Skepta to name just two. Over in Newham, we have our top boy Kano.

I can see that I have completely baffled some hon. Members—[Laughter.] For those whose tastes are a bit more retro, we are also home to ABBA Voyage. My constituency is a place where people can come and spend their money, money, money in some of our brilliant local and international businesses. Of course—it cannot be missed—sitting at the heart of my constituency is the London stadium: a place of joy and wonder from the 2012 Olympics and some of our most wonderful sporting achievements. As this generation of Team GB Paralympians competes in Paris, I send my wishes to them.

The ability to bring people together that sport possesses is like nothing else, so it is a privilege and honour to be the Member of Parliament for the greatest club in world football—sorry, Keir—West Ham. As a Hammer since 5 July—[Laughter]—I am proud to be forever blowing bubbles. I know that there are several Hammers fans on the Government Benches and throughout the parliamentary estate—probably more of us than Members on the Opposition Benches.

Stratford and Bow is a wonderful, vibrant and diverse constituency, and our current heritage lives up to that history. Forest Gate is the home of independent cafes and shops and Forest Gayte Pride, overlooking the nature and beauty of Wanstead Flats. There are the bustling shops of Green Street serving communities throughout east London, alongside mosques, temples, synagogues, gurdwaras and churches. It is a place that is truly representative of the rich tapestry of cultures and people that make up our great capital city, London.

People from all over the world have come to Stratford and Bow to make the UK their home. My constituency is a prime example of Britain at its best, with pearly kings and queens, and white, European, Indian, Bengali, Pakistani, Chinese, African, Asian, middle eastern, Caribbean communities and more living side by side and working together to make a better society for everyone. Wherever someone is from, they are welcome in Stratford and Bow.

I am proud, too, to have origins as an east London girl born in Homerton hospital, but I was born here but by fate. I am the daughter of Tamil refugees and the child of a community that knows what it is like to endure prejudice and persecution. My parents, proud and patriotic British citizens, came to Britain over 40 years ago, but they did not simply come here; they fled for their lives, forced to leave behind everything and everyone they knew and loved, torn from a good and prosperous life in their prime to start from scratch in an unfamiliar country, working multiple jobs day and night to give me the chances that were taken from them.

Britain welcomed my parents with open arms so that they could rebuild their lives and flourish, and it was the east end that they first chose to call their home. This is the London that I know and love, and it is the story of Britain and British values at its best: outward looking and compassionate; a country where people can work hard and triumph. Mum and dad, thank you for everything: your endurance and your will to succeed—[Hon. Members: “Hear, hear!”] You are part of the success story of Britain, and that is a story that can be found in every corner of Stratford and Bow and in every part of Britain, with the hope and aspiration for a better tomorrow that all parents have for their children and the dreams of a safe and secure life.

It is that hope and determination to fight for a better future that this Labour Government will work hard every day to deliver. Whether the people of Stratford and Bow were born here, came here in search of a better life or just moved to the best bit of London—whatever their start in life—I will ensure that their voices are heard and valued. I pledge to work day in, day out to tackle the root causes of poverty, to fight for more police on our streets so that women and girls feel safe to walk home at night, parents do not have to worry about knife crime and young men are not having to look over their shoulders when they walk home after dark, and to fight for an NHS that is here for us in our time of need, where patients can be seen in wards, not corridors.

Delivering my maiden speech during the GB Energy debate is apt. Climate change remains one of the greatest challenges of our time, and we must redouble our efforts. Before I came to this place, I worked internationally on climate action with cities around the world, the United Nations and civil society to help stop our world going past the point of no return and ensure that generations who come after us have a world that has not been destroyed because of our failure to act or our fear of being bold.

I feel deeply the responsibility that I have to repay the faith that the people of Stratford and Bow have placed in me and the duty that I have to be their voice here in Westminster. I will work every day for that and for the values and pledges that I was elected on. Thank you.

I call Tom Morrison to make his maiden speech.

Thank you very much, Madam Deputy Speaker. I congratulate the hon. Member for Stratford and Bow (Uma Kumaran) on that incredible maiden speech. Her pride in her community really shone through and was incredibly infectious.

I am truly honoured to be given the opportunity to deliver my maiden speech in this House. I begin by paying tribute to my predecessor, Mary Robinson. Despite our political differences, I had a good working relationship with her and was fortunate to work with her as part of the Cheadle towns fund board, where we helped to deliver much-needed investment into the constituency, including developing plans for Cheadle train station. I know that Mary took great interest in local business, and her work on the board was testament to that. I wish both her and her husband Stephen all the best in their next chapter.

I will also take this moment to pay tribute to my Liberal Democrat predecessors for Cheadle. The incredible Patsy Calton is very much missed and was held in a great deal of respect across both sides of the House. Mark Hunter served Cheadle for 10 years as its MP and served in government as an assistant Whip. I have huge shoes to fill following both Mark and Patsy, who are legends in the constituency. I hope that I can build on their legacy.

I will also take a quick moment to thank my incredible team for leading such a brilliant and hard-fought election campaign, and my family for their support. Most of all, I thank my incredible partner Louise for all her love and backing over the years. It is here, however, where I must confess to breaking my first election pledge. Not long before the general election was called, Lou and I found out that we were to be expecting our first child. While we were, of course, over the moon, that news came off the back of a very hard local election campaign and amid Lou experiencing extreme morning sickness. So, being the supportive partner that I am, I assured Lou that this would be a first trimester of absolute peace, tranquillity and calm as there was absolutely no way that the Prime Minister would call a general election in the summer. We all know how that turned out. I put on record my apologies to Lou for breaking that promise. I will endeavour to ensure that is the first and last time I break my word to a constituent.

Cheadle is truly a brilliant place. We have wonderful green spaces, brilliant schools and some fantastic high streets, but what makes the constituency so special is the people. The area is built on the foundations of so many community groups and organisations, all campaigning and working to make our community a better place for everyone. There are allotment groups such as Billy’s Lane who invite local schools to learn about growing food and healthy eating. There is Cheadle Civic Society, led by the inspirational Phillip Gould-Bourn, who protects Cheadle’s heritage and historic character. There are many faith groups including Cheadle Masjid, Grove Lane Baptists and Yeshurun Hebrew Congregation who provide support for our most vulnerable residents, and there are hundreds of community organisations and friends’ groups such as the Friends of Carr Wood who are the guardians of some of our most precious green spaces and rightly challenge those who would do them harm. Those are the people who make Cheadle so special, and I thank them for putting their faith in me as Cheadle’s Member of Parliament. I have always said that I would be their voice in Westminster, not Westminster’s voice in Cheadle. That will always be my goal.

There is much to do. Our local hospital, Stepping Hill, is in dire need of investment. For too long, staff and patients have had to make do with a hospital that is literally falling apart. The out-patients building was condemned and is now demolished, and in March the intensive care unit, which looks after some of the most critical patients, was temporarily closed because the ceiling was coming in. Nurses have even told me about bucket squads—for the uninitiated, this is a term they have coined for an extra duty they now have on shift, where they each have a bucket to place down when it rains to catch the water coming through the roof. This is a disgrace.

No hospital, let alone one as busy as Stepping Hill, should operate in those conditions. That is why my first act as the Member of Parliament for Cheadle was to write to the Secretary of State for Health and Social Care, asking for the funds that Stepping Hill desperately needs for repairs. I am pleased that the Government have since said that funding will be made available, but until we get the detail and the money, I will keep fighting to ensure that Stepping Hill, its staff and its patients get the funding they deserve.

I will also keep fighting to get my residents the support they need during the cost of living crisis. This is an issue of huge importance to me. When I was 13, my mum, brother and I were threatened with homelessness because mum, who worked several jobs to make ends meet, could not afford the private rents. We faced relying on friends who could offer couches or spare rooms to help us. The idea was sold as a fun holiday to me and my brother, but I can remember how anxious and worried my mum looked and how conversations between adults would suddenly stop as I walked into the room. Life felt unsettled, and I could tell that my mum was scared and needed help.

It was a Lib Dem councillor called David Bruce who that helped us, by fighting and getting us a council house. Because of him, we had a home, giving us the security and stability to get on in life. Home was no longer an anxious place. Mum was happier, and my brother and I could focus on our schoolwork. That experience inspired me to get into politics, because I saw at first hand the positive impact that it can have on people’s day to day lives. Without that councillor, I can honestly say I would not be standing here today. But that was not the end of our story. We still struggled. Faced with rising bills, mum would sometimes have to decide whether to put money into the electric meter or food into the cupboards. If I think about it, I can still hear the clunk of the pay meter going off and plunging the house into darkness. Mum would often joke that that was the cue for us to go to bed.

Sadly, I know from speaking to my constituents that this story is still being lived out all too frequently. The choices that many families have to make are horribly familiar. The choice to heat their home or feed their children should never be forced on anyone, yet thousands of families across Stockport face that choice every day. I was proud that the Liberal Democrats on Stockport council led the way by establishing a warm spaces programme, supporting community organisations with the funds to help shelter vulnerable residents who could not afford to heat their homes during the winter months. Many authorities are now doing that across the country, but as wonderful as that is, we cannot sit back and accept this situation.

Great British Energy is a step in the right direction. I welcome the move to restore British investment in clean energy, and if Great British Energy actually brings down costs for my constituents, that will be nothing but a good thing. I will do all I can to help my residents in Cheadle. When it comes to the cost of living, I will hold this Government to account when I believe they are not doing enough to support those who need it. Better health services, support for the cost of living crisis and championing my amazing community—those are some of the things that I will do as Cheadle’s Member of Parliament. It is truly the honour of my life to be standing here working for the place I call home—the place I am now raising my family. I hope I will do Cheadle proud here.

I call Jayne Kirkham to make her maiden speech.

Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. I pay tribute to the hon. Member for Cheadle (Mr Morrison), whose experience and passion will be of great benefit to both his constituents and his local hospital, and to my hon. Friend the Member for Stratford and Bow (Uma Kumaran), who will be a very worthy successor to those suffragettes.

It is a real honour and a privilege to be standing here as the MP for Truro and Falmouth. I arrived in Cornwall quite by accident nearly 20 years ago, having been swept off my feet by a naval pilot who tempted me away from life as a London trade union lawyer, with images of beaches and sunsets. He flew search and rescue helicopters at Culdrose naval station. Unfortunately, as is often the case, our military marriage was short, and I was left as a single mum with a small son. But I chose to stay and bring him up in Cornwall, and it is very much our home. Becoming a single parent was sudden and difficult, but I was fortunate. I benefited from the opportunities offered by the last Labour Government and was able to get back on my feet. I retrained and took a job as a teaching assistant working in a local secondary school for seven years, first in special educational needs and later as an unqualified teacher, which shows the journey that education has been on.

I pay tribute to my predecessor, Cherilyn Mackrory. She served in a number of roles in this place; she showed her passion for the environment in her work on the Environmental Audit Committee and as chair of the ocean conservation all-party parliamentary group. She also drew on her own personal experience to help others. She did a huge amount to shape the women’s health strategy and maternity safety awareness, and was integral in introducing the new pregnancy loss certificate. Both Cherilyn and her predecessor, Sarah Newton, worked to secure a new women and children’s unit at Treliske hospital in Truro, one of the previous Government’s 40 new hospitals or units. It is desperately needed and a long time coming. I had my son in the existing unit nearly 19 years ago, and the building was not fit for purpose then. I really want to ensure its speedy completion.

Truro and Falmouth has existed as a constituency only since 2010. It sits in the middle of the Duchy of Cornwall, spreading from Falmouth on the south coast to Crantock on the north coast. Falmouth is my home, and where I have sat as a councillor for the past six years. It is a vibrant and welcoming town enveloped by the ocean. Falmouth has played its part in the history of Great Britain. In the late 1600s, the town was appointed the Royal Mail packet station, receiving and sending mail and messages all around the globe, making Falmouth —for 150 years at least—the information superhighway of the British empire.

However, Falmouth is more than its seafaring past. We still have two splendid castles, Pendennis and St Mawes, protecting the entrance to the Carrick Roads, but the constituency is also the site of Falmouth University, built on the legacy of the famous art school that is still found on Woodlane, but now anchored across the border in the state-of-the-art Tremough campus in Penryn, which it shares with the University of Exeter. The area brims with creatives, scientists and engineers—whom Dawn French, the university’s chancellor, described as “enterprising dreamers”.

If we follow the River Fal upwards, we reach Truro, Cornwall’s capital and only city, with its impressive cathedral and award-winning theatre Hall for Cornwall. It has Lys Kernow, the home of Cornwall Council, as well as Treliske, the acute hospital. The constituency also has a large rural element, with an array of beautiful villages and areas such as the Roseland peninsula, where farming and fishing are still vital industries.

When researching for this speech, I was struck by the words in the maiden speech of one of Cornwall’s most well known and loved Members of Parliament, David Penhaligon. Exactly 50 years ago in this House, he referred to an economy that relies on tourism, traffic conditions in the summer months that strangle much of the industry that keeps the place going for the rest of the year, tremendous pressure on hospital services, sewage problems, pressure on housing, the problem of summer lets and the lowest average wage in Britain. I am pleased that the measures in this Government’s programme—a real living wage, the water Bill, devolution and renters rights—will help to address some of those issues, but it is shocking that many of the issues that he mentioned then are, sadly, still very much in evidence today, half a century on. For a place on the edge of the map, Cornwall is too often at the edge of our thoughts in this place. Like Penhaligon, I believe that Cornwall, with its proud and independent heritage, deserves better.

Turning to the topic of this debate, there is so much to be excited by. As well as Cornwall’s potential for onshore wind, we have 20% of Europe’s requirement for critical minerals and geothermal energy beneath our feet, buried in our granite. We only have to look at a horizon dotted with the ruins of engine houses to know that the people of Cornwall are more than happy to dig for their treasure. Falmouth is a town with its face turned to the sea. The port still has a very busy harbour and docks, which have businesses servicing both military and commercial ships, as well as hosting cruise and leisure vessels. But there is potential for so much more, and the port of Falmouth is poised to take advantages of a new generation of offshore wind production in the Celtic sea. With the support of the new energy company GB Energy, the £1.8 billion ports fund and investment in the skills training we so desperately need, our young people will be able to grasp with both hands the well-paid jobs of the future, while securing our own home-grown energy and facing down the challenge of climate change—a challenge that is so important to a place like Cornwall, which stares the impacts of the changing climate in the face every day. We were the first large rural authority to declare a climate emergency and the 2030 net zero target. Now, we will play our part in getting the country to meet a similarly ambitious target. Falmouth’s time truly has come again as part of the Government’s mission to become a clean energy superpower.

Truro and Falmouth is the most magical place to live. It well and truly hooked me and my small family, and has become part of me. My journey, despite its ups and downs, has been a charmed and happy one. Truro and Falmouth has given so much to me, and it is overflowing with promise and brilliant, independent-minded enterprising dreamers. I am determined to serve my home as well as it has served me. A bright future lies ahead for it.

I congratulate the hon. Member for Truro and Falmouth (Jayne Kirkham) on a really wonderful maiden speech. It is heartening to see how much love and passion she has for her adopted home in Cornwall—and who does not like Cornwall? I am sure her constituents will be tremendously well served by the passion we saw just now.

The Government must accept that the messaging around GB Energy was muddled at the very least during the election. It was almost as though it was rushed through as a manifesto headline, rather than resulting from the strategic development of careful, thought-out, optimised planning, but there we are. We understand that there will be limited co-production from the company, no retail arm and no public sector comparator role. It will be a provider that does not do much provision and a decider that does not make any decisions. Talk about net zero—there is zero detail in the Bill to give us an indication of what will actually happen on the ground. It was going to sell energy to the public, and then it was not. It was going to generate energy. Then it was not, and now it will again. I think we are still in that space.

I heard in the Secretary of State’s opening remarks that there has now been a modification to the brand: it is now GB Energy generating company. The “generating” bit has been shoehorned in there at the last minute to try to make it a little bit more believable. It that will not own any assets outright, but will make a return on the sale of energy from the wholesale market by the principal operator of the energy schemes it latches itself on to. Well, I can see why the Labour part never put that on a leaflet—goodness me. Why is it not considered a Government trading fund? It is not a company; it is a Government trading fund that they are branding as a company. It absolutely meets all the criteria of the Government Trading Funds Act 1973, so it would be interesting to know why that is.

I do not doubt the Secretary of State’s commitment in this area. I have seen it over the past five years. I am sorry that his initial, much more ambitious plans for £28 billion have been torpedoed by the Treasury and his right hon. Friend the Chancellor. If he is feeling sorry for himself, he can speak to the millions of pensioners around these islands whose ambitions for the future have also been torpedoed by the Chancellor and the Treasury.

On a substantive note about the lack of detail in the Bill, it is a great pity that the Government want us to believe that clean energy means energy produced from sources other than fossil fuels. It is hard to imagine a more one-dimensional analysis and qualification than that. It is narrow and incoherent, and out of step with the science and the public. It does not really matter where or what carbon is locked into. If you burn it to release carbon dioxide in the process of making energy, then you are a carbon emitter contributing to the climate crisis. It is as simple as that. We should not be hostage to a technology where hundreds of millions of pounds in Government subsidies are used to create millions of tonnes of CO2 a year.

We know that subsidies for large-scale biomass generators in England will end in 2027—I know the Minister is up to speed on that—and the Government claim they are reviewing evidence on potential support beyond this. Will the Minister, in summing up, be clear with Parliament today? Does he believe that chopping down millions of trees on the other side of the world and shipping them to England, to then burn them to make electricity, is acceptable? If not, will he commit to ending public subsidies for large-scale biomass in 2027?

I am glad to hear the hon. Gentleman is concerned about the chopping down of trees. Does he accept that in Scotland 13 million trees were chopped down to put up windmills?

I hesitate to thank the right hon. Member for his intervention—[Laughter.] I will need to fact check his 13 million figure—I will get back to him on that. But let us be really clear—I will touch on onshore wind in a minute—that once those trees are burned in a former coal-fired power station, the only products are CO2 and electricity, but where trees have been cleared to create onshore wind in Scotland, there is a lifetime of renewable, clean cheap energy coming out the other side, so it is a false comparator if ever I saw one. Do the Government believe that waste to energy is also clean energy? That does not seem to be what GB Energy should pursue, and I am not certain there is much support for that in the country.

Maybe the right hon. Gentleman should have made his intervention in a minute, because I remain unclear on this point. The Bill sets out that it applies to Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland and England. However, constitutionally and administratively, in policy terms I do not see how it can apply to Northern Ireland. If the Minister could update us on what possible role GB Energy has in the entirely different energy market that exists in Northern Ireland, that would be helpful.

Community energy is essential to how we make our journey to net zero, but like much else there is scant detail on that. If the Government had properly consulted the community energy sector—they can probably still do that—they would know that access to consumers is one of the principal drawbacks to developing these schemes. It is disappointing that no lateral thinking is being applied on how to connect the will to create community energy with the market. Ofgem has created an environment where one can deliver an extraordinary example of community electricity generation, but trying to connect with consumers is almost impossible. GB Energy, if it is nothing else—and it does appear to be not much else—could have been part of the gig economy. It could have been the Uber of retail energy. We could have bought community energy and passed it on to the consumer base, but that is not going to happen.

The Government want to mirror the ambition of Vattenfall or EDF, but those companies, which are actually companies, sell to the retail market. Will the Government update us on the paltry amount that the previous Government allocated to community energy? It was £10 million just for England. What will GB Energy deliver?

Pushing ahead, zonal energy is one of the most important transformations that can come into the energy market on GB. The Government advised that electricity market reform is key—

Order. We now come to a maiden speech. I call Perran Moon.

I call Perran Moon to make his maiden speech.

Order. Because so many Members wish to contribute, I ask those making maiden speeches to keep them shorter than five minutes if they can manage it. The time limit for Members with a bit more experience, who are not making their maiden speech, is now reduced to five minutes.

I have been enjoying the maiden speeches today, particularly those of the hon. Members for Truro and Falmouth (Jayne Kirkham) and for Camborne and Redruth (Perran Moon). Having enjoyed a week’s holiday in Cornwall last week, I have enjoyed hearing even more about Cornwall today.

I am pleased to speak in this debate and to have the opportunity to welcome the Bill, particularly the commitment that it shows to achieving net zero emissions from the electricity grid by 2030. An exciting revolution in the way we produce and use energy is taking place. It is vital that there be new support and incentives to directly accelerate renewable development, giving the sector the confidence to invest and innovate that comes from the long-term predictability that we need.

The Bill is an important step in the right direction. I hope that as it progresses through Parliament, we can have a constructive debate about being even more ambitious, in line with the climate science, and, crucially, about how we take the public with us. I am sure that we will return to that subject in future discussions, but today I will highlight three particular gaps that I hope the Minister will address in his winding-up speech.

The first gap, which has already been referred to, is the opportunity to reflect that the climate and nature crises go hand in hand. I know that the Secretary of State recognises that point and recognises that renewable energy development can go hand in hand with protecting carbon-rich habitats and delivering more nature-based solutions on land and at sea, so it is disappointing that the Bill does not give Great British Energy a remit to contribute to nature’s recovery alongside accelerating the scale and pace of renewable energy delivery. A nature recovery duty would mean meeting climate targets and contributing to biodiversity targets set under the Environment Act 2021. It would mean automatically baking wildlife-friendly design into renewable energy project development from the outset. I also highlight the need to bake farming-friendly design into renewable energy developments.

The second area on which I invite the Secretary of State or the Minister to respond is the glaring and gaping hole in the proposed legislation—namely, the failure to use the opportunity to more explicitly and definitively rule out the drilling and burning of new fossil fuel projects. A net zero carbon plan has to involve ceasing to use fossil fuels, not just increasing renewables. Put simply, fossil fuels increase carbon emissions. We have heard from the UN Secretary-General that fossil fuels are literally cooking our planet, and far more needs to be done to remove their use. Although we have recently seen some encouraging developments from the Government in making it clear that they will not defend the legal challenges to, for example, the Rosebank oilfield, they could go far further, so why not use this Bill to further reduce the UK’s exposure to price volatility and households’ exposure to energy price shocks by making it crystal clear that Great British Energy will not be allowed to facilitate, encourage or participate in any projects based on fossil fuels?

The third area I want to highlight is community energy, to which other Members have drawn attention today. Like other Members, I have a community project in my constituency; it is in the village of Palgrave, where there is a community-owned wind turbine on the playing fields. I heard the Secretary of State talk about community energy earlier, so perhaps we just need clarification of the Government’s intention, but the legislation does not appear to explicitly mention community energy, despite its huge potential. I hope that this is an unintended omission, and that the Minister or the Secretary of State can confirm that there will be community energy representation on the governance structures of Great British Energy, notably from the co-operatives that are such a big part of the sector.

I put on record my support for the excellent Local Electricity Bill, which won significant support in the last Parliament. I very much hope that the proposals in it are taken forward, including by enabling renewable energy generation schemes to sell directly to local people and making sure that that is acted on without delay.

In conclusion, I welcome this Bill and commend the Government for bringing it forward. Great British Energy has the potential to make a game-changing difference, but I would welcome clarification on the level of ambition needed in the areas that I have highlighted.

Thank you for respecting the time limit. I call Dr Simon Opher to make his maiden speech.

Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. I thank the hon. Member for Waveney Valley (Adrian Ramsay) for his support for this really exciting piece of legislation—one of the most exciting in our manifesto. I am delighted to be making my maiden speech during a debate on renewable energy. Stroud has been a centre for sustainability and the environment for many years.

I thank my constituents for supporting me. I have been a GP in Dursley, which is part of Stroud, for 30 years. I have looked after my patients there through thick and thin, through the most heart-rending moments and through the most joyous moments, and it has been an absolute privilege. To be honest, I slightly miss them in this place.

I would like to pay tribute to my predecessor, Siobhan Baillie. Siobhan was always so cheerful and positive, and I really admired her for that. She also squeezed the last Government into introducing what was probably their best bit of legislation, which was about childcare. This Government are continuing that and making sure that we deliver it. People who knew Siobhan will know that she also had a lot better hair than I do. [Interruption.] Thank you very much—I will move on hastily.

I would also like to pay tribute to my Labour predecessor, David Drew, who was probably the best constituency MP I ever met. He is still very well loved in the area, and is still involved in local politics. He has given me lots of pieces of advice. One of them is to be yourself, which is good advice for all of us. I thank him for that.

My father actually said that there are quite a lot of similarities between being an MP and being a GP. He said, “First of all, both of you have surgeries, don’t you?” I thought about this more, and I thought about what I tell the doctors I train: “As a GP, you have to know the first three things about everything, which is true for MPs as well. You do not have to be an expert on anything, but you have to know a little bit about everything.” I have certainly learned a lot about that. Both GPs and MPs also need to be embedded in their community. But probably the most important thing to being a good doctor and a good MP is listening, not talking. The best doctors and the best MPs are the best listeners.

Stroud is the most beautiful area, and its hills and valleys were made famous by Laurie Lee in “Cider with Rosie”, which Members may have read. A previous GP in the area, about 200 years ago, was Dr Edward Jenner. He was in Berkeley in my constituency, and he discovered vaccination. He saved the most lives in history, so we must honour him. Vaccination is transformative for health. One of the big benefits of the pandemic is that we developed mRNA vaccines, which in the future will be used to treat cancer. This new therapy is really exciting.

Stroud is also home to cutting-edge companies, including Renishaw in the engineering industry. Ecotricity, owned by Dale Vince, has been at the cutting edge of sustainable energy for many years.

We also have the fantastic Forest Green Rovers, the world’s only carbon-neutral football club. They are also vegan. Sadly, they were relegated from the football league this year, but I promise they will be back. I hope they will be, anyway.

Dale Vince built the first wind turbine on Tinkley Lane in 1996, and there is a lesson there, because there was incredible local opposition to it for years. People did not like it, but now it has come to be accepted. This is the future. Many of us have spoken about community energy, which we have been developing in Stroud. We now have six projects. Waitrose will have solar panels on its roof, and we are going to cover the hospital with solar panels. There is a scheme to put solar panels on every public building, which will save having to put them on farmland. I recommend such schemes.

A number of my constituents are currently in prison for climate activism. Although I do not condone their protests in any way, I ask the Home Secretary to review their really excessive sentences, and I ask organisations such as Just Stop Oil to get behind us. We are the greenest Government this country has ever seen, so will they stop protesting and start building with us?

Community is really important in Stroud. We have community hubs throughout the constituency. One of the best is GL11 in Cam, run by Indigo Redfern. Its volunteers look after vulnerable people. We have the country’s oldest community agriculture scheme, and we have a big scheme that buys community shops. When pubs close in little villages, we buy them, too. We are also looking at buying land to protect it for people to use.

I worked in May Lane surgery for so long, and I praise the doctors, the nurses and all the reception staff for continuing to deliver extraordinary care to patients. General practice is delivering extraordinary care throughout the country, but we are in a certain amount of crisis. We have very low morale, and everyone is complaining about not being able to get a GP appointment, so I am proud that this Government will fix general practice by investing, innovating and making sure that patients receive the service they received in 2010.

Another thing I would like to say on innovation is that, about 25 years ago, I introduced an artist in residence at my surgery to treat patients with mental ill health, and I managed to prove that it was incredibly effective. We then expanded into green prescribing, getting people to take walks. We have poets in nursing homes, and we started prescribing allotments. These non-medical prescriptions are crucial, and they save the NHS money, because people realise they do not need medicine to make them better. The arts are crucial. We must support this country’s world-class arts sector, and we must use it to make ourselves better.

I will come to a conclusion. When I first arrived in the House, I was talking to some of the wonderful parliamentary staff who looked after new MPs so well. One of them said, “It is strange, because it is like there has been a generational change in the Commons. A wind has blown through the Commons and replaced what we had before with much younger Members”—not me, by the way—“and many more women. It is really ethnically diverse and there are LGBT people as well. It is like a fresh wind has come in.” I feel that offers a real opportunity for us to deliver real change in this country.

My father is 90. He was going to be here today, but he could not make it, which is really sad. He has been a lifelong socialist and Labour party member. He said in 2019, “I will probably never see another Labour Government,” but he has got to see one. Let us make this work and work hard to deliver renewable energy, so we can bring down the cost of power and change the whole environment of the country.

I think I was stuck on the vegan football club!

The first two months of this Labour Government have not been good news for electricity consumers. First, the promise to save £300 per year on bills was demoted in the King’s Speech to, “We will do it in due course.” Then, during the recess, there was the announcement that the £300 for pensioners to help with winter fuel costs would be removed because the Government placed the importance of rewarding their trade union paymasters above the needs of vulnerable pensioners.

Just this week, the Government announced they would help the big energy companies and fill their pockets with extra money, guaranteeing those energy companies prices that are currently above the market rates for electricity. The companies will be guaranteed those prices for x number of years, but if the rates change to their benefit in the future, they can change the contracts and they will be guaranteed a market for their dear electricity. Who will pay for that generosity? The consumer.

Today we are debating a Bill that sets up a quango. Despite the fact there is a £20 billion black hole in the budget, the Government can find enough money to finance a new quango. All of this will be paid for by the electricity consumer. In his impassioned speech, the Secretary of State told us that it would be impossible to envisage anybody voting against the Bill and that, in fact, the country is clamouring for it. I have to say I have not had any constituents hammering on my door telling me, “Be there on Thursday, Sammy, and vote for this Bill.” In fact, I suspect if many members of the public were asked about GB Energy, they would probably think it is a new drink rather than some important Government Bill.

The Government have promised that they will create 17,000 new jobs in Northern Ireland, even though, as the hon. Member for Angus and Perthshire Glens (Dave Doogan) pointed out, the constitutional jurisdiction of the Bill does not even cover Northern Ireland. If one considers the Windsor framework and the fact that Northern Ireland is still under single market rules, many of the provisions in the Bill and the subsidies the Government are claiming could not be applied in Northern Ireland. Will the Minister confirm what role the Bill will have in Northern Ireland?

The Government’s main point is that the creation of Great British Energy will bring down prices for electricity consumers. The fact is that this Bill is all about having to spend money on new infrastructure to generate power well away from the centres of population, as well as putting in infrastructure to take that power to the consumer. That will require billions of pounds of investment. The Government say it will be done by the private sector, as if that solves it all. Of course, if the private sector puts in that investment, it will require a return. Where will that return come from? It will come from the consumer.

We already know, as it has been pointed out, that, according to Ofgem, two thirds of people’s electricity costs in the first quarter of this year were as a result of non-fuel costs. They included the cost of the infrastructure, the environmental policies, and the administration and the operating costs of the grid. Extending the grid, which we will have to do, will incur further costs and put up the price of electricity. That is why the Minister could not guarantee that the £300 saving will be delivered. He knows that the massive costs of changing our system will be borne by the electricity consumer. Whether we regard net zero as good or bad, let us not hide from the fact that it will cost people right across society. It will lead to industry facing higher costs, and consumers facing higher costs and greater fuel poverty.

I call Michelle Scrogham to make her maiden speech.

I am grateful to be making my maiden speech in this debate on the Great British Energy Bill. Given my constituency’s links to energy production at the Morecambe Bay gasfields, it is in a unique position to be a leader in clean green energy with offshore wind and tidal power. Spirit Energy has ambitious plans to convert our depleted gasfields and onshore terminal into a world-class carbon storage cluster. This project will support our net zero ambitions, along with providing thousands of highly skilled green jobs in Cumbria, supporting the transition from oil and gas. The plan will bring a multi-billion-pound investment locally, promoting growth and further regional investment that will assist us in making our local economy more sustainable.

I congratulate all those who have made their maiden speeches today, including my hon. Friend the Member for Stroud (Dr Opher). It has been inspiring to witness so many incredible maiden speeches over the past few months. It has been fascinating to hear those gems of information about people and places, as Members speak about their constituencies with such passion, and the many varied paths and often moving stories that have brought them to this House.

I pay tribute to my predecessor, Simon Fell. We disagreed on many matters over the years, but his commitment to BAE Systems and the nuclear deterrent was clear and something on which we could both very much agree. His kind and generous advice during the election campaign was gratefully received and I would encourage everyone in this House to behave in a similar manner.

I wish my grandma could be here to see me today, as she would, like the rest of my family, be bursting with pride. She would no doubt remind me of the time that she took me to the cinema when I was a toddler. I had decided to make myself comfortable, so I kicked off my shoes to watch the film. Part way through, I climbed off my seat and, with instant regret, found that I had stepped on an ice cream lid. The cold and sticky ice cream quickly seeped through my socks. So angry was four-year-old me that I turned to face the whole audience, and, with hands on hips, loudly demanded to know who was responsible, declaring that whoever it was should come and pick it up. My grandma was understandably mortified by my outburst during the film, and it was 20 years before she confessed that it was her ice cream lid.

I could not be prouder to be not only the first local to be elected as MP for Barrow and Furness, but the first ever female to hold this very privileged position. I started my career in banking way back in the ’80s, but found very quickly that my passion would take me elsewhere. With an insuppressible drive to call out injustice, my mouth soon ensured that I was elected as our union rep, and within a couple of years I was asked to take on that role for the north-west region. I will never forget how I felt when my manager took me aside to tell me that, if I accepted that responsibility, I could kiss goodbye to my career in banking. I did not need time to think about it; I took the job. There is nothing in this world more likely to make me dig my heels in than a bully.

My constituency is well known for many things. We have been world leaders in ironworks, with the founders of Barrow exporting railways to the world. They understood that, for a secure economy, we needed more than one industry and created the jute manufacturing business that became a world leader in its own right. The ironworks eventually became a shipyard where we now build our nuclear deterrent, the most complex piece of engineering on the planet, and we are the only place in the UK that is capable of doing that. We protect our nation—a source of great pride to us locally—with the industry that is the backbone of the economy in Barrow and Furness, and many other towns across the UK, in a supply chain of tens of thousands of jobs.

Our coastline is home to many areas of natural beauty and protected habitats—from Ravenglass, where people can explore on a mini steam train, visit Muncaster Castle with its rich history and birds of prey, or enjoy the truly unspoiled area that is the western Lake district; all the way down to Walney Island nature reserve, with its adorable grey seals and stunning views, not least of which is its view of the island of Piel, which hosts its own king no less. Tradition holds that the landlord of the sole pub, while sitting in an ancient chair, carrying a sword and wearing a helmet, is crowned by the pouring of alcohol over their head. Shout out to John Murphy, our local historian and former Mayor of Barrow, for his fantastic walking tours to Piel.

Morecambe bay and the Duddon estuaries are our playgrounds, and my hometown of Ulverston, which earlier this year was reported to be one of the most vibrant towns in the UK, is known as the festival town, and has well and truly earned its title. There are festivals for everything from walking, Walkfest, to printing, Printfest; comedy and music, with a tenuous link to Laurel and Hardy’s “Another Fine Mess”, Finefest; and my favourite, the one I help to organise each year, Dickensian. The hashtag for that one made headline news in Japan, and I will leave Members to work it out for themselves. [Laughter.]

I have been incredibly lucky that I was able to take time out when my children were little and build a business on the high street with my sister. Those 20 years, through recessions, online shopping, out-of-town retail and covid, were a steep learning curve, but one that I would not change for the world. Our high streets are one of my passions. They are the very heart of our communities and Britain’s biggest employer—worthy of nurturing, protecting and revitalising. I very much welcome our plans and the opportunity to support them in this Government.

We have many famous sons and daughters from Barrow and Furness. Stan Laurel, comedy giant and half of the duo Laurel and Hardy, was born in Ulverston. My apologies to my hon. Friend the Member for Bishop Auckland (Sam Rushworth); his town has been trying to claim Stan Laurel for years, but he was definitely an Ulverston lad. Dalton, the ancient capital of Furness, was birthplace and early home of famous painter George Romney, and Tommy Johnson, the third-highest goal scorer for Man City, who made five appearances for England and scored in every single match. That might be a bit too far back for most to remember, because he was born in 1901, but other Barrow-born football heroes are Emlyn Hughes, whose statue now graces Abbey Road in Barrow, and Georgia Stanway, who I believe is now overdue her own statue for her achievements in the England squad. While we are on football, I have to say good luck to the Barrow Bluebirds in their upcoming match against Chelsea—you have great football genes on your side, so let’s have it!

Sir John Barrow, famous son of Ulverston, became the second secretary to the admiralty—to you and me, that is in charge of the Navy. He wrote the report that became the basis for what we now know as the mutiny on the Bounty. He was the last man to shake Lord Nelson’s hand as he departed on HMS Victory for Trafalgar, and was a great promotor of Arctic voyages of discovery, with many places around the globe now named after him, including Barrow strait, Cape Barrow and Point Barrow in Alaska, but oddly not Barrow-in-Furness.

I have fought long and hard to give a voice to our residents as their councillor and mayor, and I have often been angered by decisions that cost our communities dearly. Next week, our Lib Dem council will decide the fate of one of the busiest libraries in Cumbria—the last remaining community space that is free to use, where many community groups ensure that a vital safety net is provided, and where no matter what someone’s background or financial position is, they have a safe place to learn and achieve. I hope that the council will listen to the 3,000-plus people who have signed a petition to save it, and decide to work with me and local businesses to secure its future.

Our local community groups and third sector organisations have proved vital in recent years, and I am a strong believer that most problems have a solution at grassroots level, through community groups such as the Roxy Collective, Drop Zone, Women’s Community Matters, the Ulverston Resilience Group, Community Solutions, and Furness Refugee Support to name just a few—or Love Barrow Families, whose work is so life changing for some that they return as volunteers to give that same gift to others. In my role as MP for Barrow and Furness, I want to give their voice more power. I want to bring community groups together with residents and businesses, big and small, as that is how community works at its best, for the betterment of everyone in it.

Many MPs make unique claims in their maiden speeches. If I was a gambling woman, I would bet that I am the only MP to be married to a lighthouse keeper—I am hoping the weather is okay back home, because he is sat in the Gallery now. [Laughter.] My better half is the senior lighthouse keeper in charge of the Sir John Barrow monument, a copy of the Eddystone lighthouse that stands on top of Hoad hill and welcomes the people of Furness home.

Finally, I encourage all hon. Members to come and visit Barrow and Furness—but with a fair warning that several of them will, of course, feel obliged to return to this Chamber and correct the record on which is the best constituency.

I congratulate the hon. Member for Barrow and Furness (Michelle Scrogham) on that excellent speech. The vision of a landlord with a sword serving alcohol is an interesting one. I also congratulate the others who have made maiden speeches, and in particular the hon. Member for Northampton South (Mike Reader). Northampton South is where I grew up and first went to school, and I am still a passionate supporter of the Northampton Saints.

I have long been a critic of the excessive levels of overseas ownership of our key public utilities thanks to the failures of the previous Conservative regimes. Some 80% of our offshore wind industry is overseas-owned, so I have some sympathy, the House may be surprised to hear, with some of the aims and ambitions of GB Energy. Indeed, it may be that the Secretary of State was listening to me a couple of years ago when I talked about this issue.

In the spirit of being constructive and helpful to the Minister and the Secretary of State, I wish to put forward a couple of suggestions. My model of joint-venture partial public ownership of monopoly, critical public utilities is a 50:50 model. In opening the debate, the Secretary of State referred to the Danish company Ørsted, which is 50% owned by the state and 50% owned primarily by pension funds with private sector management. That is a win-win joint venture. I urge the Secretary of State and the Minister, when they make investments through GB Energy, to focus almost exclusively on 50:50 joint ventures in which the other 50% should be private sector investment, preferably from British pension funds on behalf of British pensioners. That way we will get the best of all worlds, with the quality of private sector management, because the truth is that Governments can be good at funding things but are generally very bad at managing things. I therefore urge the Secretary of State and the Minister, when they consider the investments to be made through GB Energy, to adopt the model of investing only up to 50% and always ensuring that there is private sector investment alongside.

Of course, the Secretary of State passionately believes that renewable energy will be cheaper, so he should have no problem at all with inserting into the conditions for investment a requirement for confirmation that within the business plan for investments there is a clear goal for the investment to result in cheaper energy for British consumers and taxpayers. I urge the Secretary of State and the Minister to adopt that 50% restriction and consider the need for private sector investment.

I call Noah Law to make his maiden speech.

Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker, for allowing me to make this, my first speech to the House. It is a pleasure to follow my hon. Friend the Member for Barrow and Furness (Michelle Scrogham).

It is the honour of my life to have the chance to represent St Austell and Newquay, the stunning heartland of Cornwall that touches both of our beautiful coastlines and that has so greatly shaped my life. That ranges from the springboard that I was given at Fowey community college, to learning to play the violin in Par and to ride the waves at Newquay, or by inspiring me to craft a career in financing the kind of natural resources that we are fortunate to have there—I am always available with that experience for Opposition Members who cannot quite spot it—and as a campaigner these past few years, where I have heard so many inspiring voices that helped me to build the grassroots platform that brought me to this House. It is with deep gratitude that I take my place here, mindful of the trust and responsibility placed in me by the people of St Austell and Newquay.

I pay tribute to my predecessor, Steve Double, for the work that he did for St Austell and Newquay during his five years in office. Steve was a hard-working MP who championed, among many other things, the Cornish railways and Cornwall’s pioneering model of tri-service safety officers, both of which I look forward to taking up with vigour.

St Austell bay, Newquay and the clay country that lies in between mean that we are perhaps the most diverse and therefore representative of Cornish seats. From the tributaries of the White river that shipped our clay to the world, down on the eastern side from Roche, Bugle, Stenalees, Penwithick, Trethurgy and Tregrehan, down past St Blazey and Tywardreath to the great harbours of Par, Charlestown, Mevagissey, Fowey and its peninsula, and to the numerous namesakes of St Columba and her parish, Quintrell Downs, St Colan and the village and parish of St Enoder, with Summercourt, Fraddon and Indian Queens. In the west, we have St Stephen-in-Brannel, Grampound, Creed, St Ewe, Sticker, Polgooth, Trewoon, Lanjeth, Foxhole, Nanpean, Treviscoe, St Dennis and Whitemoor—to name a few.

With such a patchwork of ancient settlements across this powerhouse of the Cornish economy, the House will forgive me for seldom referring to the constituency as rural, despite our wealth of prime farmland that feeds our Cornish nation, Britain and beyond. Not only does St Austell and Newquay feature well-known agrifood, beverage and tourism industries; it is also the industrial heartland of Cornwall, boasting many of the industries we need to build a greener future, including renewables, critical minerals and the supply chain that sits behind them. Our constituency stands as a testament to Cornwall’s resilience and ingenuity, blending traditional industries with modern innovation, and I am committed to ensuring that this balance continues to flourish, so we can ensure that this once powerhouse of the Cornish economy is restored.

Beyond our unique economic challenges and opportunities, which demand a right to local decision making, we have a distinct Celtic heritage, language and national minority status, and a national pride: a pride that is inclusive, whether of families resident here for generations, those of proud northern stock or Windrush stock—or all of the above, like my own family—or those who have chosen to make their home in Cornwall more recently. Cornwall’s heritage is not just a relic of the past but a living, breathing part of our identity, shaping our values and aspirations as a community. It is therefore vital that we preserve and promote that heritage for future generations, ensuring that it remains a cornerstone of our cultural and social fabric.

This new parliamentary Session under the Labour Government offers real promise, and I am particularly pleased that they will deliver the largest increase in social homes in a generation. That will change lives, particularly the lives of my generation and the next, and give hope to those who never had it. It is also important to ensure that the right kind of homes are built, and that local people can afford to live and work in Cornwall—a reality that has long been impossible because of the vicious cycle of low wages and housing unaffordability. I will work tirelessly to ensure that Cornwall’s interests are represented and the voices of my constituents are heard at the highest levels of Government, and I will advocate policies that will bring tangible benefits to our people.

I am entering Parliament alongside three other Cornish Labour MPs, who reflect a sea change in the political landscape there. With Cornish Labour MPs in a Labour Government, I am thrilled to provide the strong voice in Westminster that we have so seldom had. But our political culture remains consistent: in people’s rightful expectation of our service; in our egalitarianism; and in our healthy scepticism towards established politics and the centralisation of power, whether that be in Westminster, in single individuals or in out-of-touch bureaucracies that fail to deliver for working people.

In that spirit, I pledge to serve with integrity, to listen to all voices within our community and to champion the values that make Cornwall so special, ensuring that our future is as bright and prosperous as our history is rich and storied. No more shifting the deckchairs: we are going to get Cornwall building again—to a blueprint built of the voices of those who put me here.

I call Angus MacDonald to make his maiden speech.

Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. That was a very heartfelt speech from the hon. Member for St Austell and Newquay (Noah Law). Cornwall and the highlands of Scotland share our westerly reaches and Celtic background.

I am very proud to have been elected to serve the people of the west highlands and Inverness in this Parliament. Following the Electoral Commission’s mistaken decision to cut the number of highland constituencies from three to two, I have, to a large extent, replaced two former MPs in Ian Blackford and Drew Hendry, who represented to the best of their ability Ross, Skye and Lochaber, and Inverness, Nairn, Badenoch and Strathspey respectively.

To say that my constituency is geographically challenging would be an understatement. It takes four hours to drive from east to west and from north to south. The highlands of Scotland are bountiful in their beauty—from the miles of sandy beaches in Gairloch and Lochaber, the mountains of Ben Nevis, and the Skye Cuillins and Torridon, to the castles of Urquhart on Loch Ness and Eilean Donan in Wester Ross. Our oaks and Scots pine trees are bent over as a result of the prevailing westerly wind. We have beautiful lochs and large, powerful rivers around every bend in the road.

Astonishing though the beauty is, it is the people of the highlands that I—like my amazing predecessor Charles Kennedy—love and am delighted to represent. Although the highlands are beautiful and the people wonderful, the region struggles financially. The Highland council is burdened with debts of £1.2 billion. Inverness’s population has increased rapidly, but the three-and-a-half hour drive from our highland capital to Scotland’s capital is not dualled and is not safe. The rural west faces severe fuel poverty, long journeys for NHS treatment, public service cuts, and a lack of essential services, with many young people leaving for cities.

Would it not be wonderful if a fairy godmother came along and bestowed a wonderful asset on the highlands—something that generated serious money for the area over generations, and a long-term provider of great employment? There is such an asset. The west highlands is the wettest area in Europe, and the wind is virtually unceasing. We have the most fantastic land to benefit from the move to renewables. That opportunity has not gone unnoticed: utilities and infrastructure firms from all over the world are queueing up to install 200-metre-high wind turbines on our hills; our hydro schemes are getting upgraded; and there are £5 billion pump storage sites at various stages of development in my constituency. Major construction projects abound across the highlands. Thousands of workers are brought in and accommodated in temporary modular housing.

Peak electricity use in Scotland is 3 GW, while our peak production is 10 to 14 GW. Scotland may add as much as another 10 GW of production capacity by 2030. We will be producing seven times more electricity than we use. Like for prospectors to a gold rush, the rich opportunities are accompanied by challenges. There are two important issues to which we need to pay attention. First, there is a cost to that for the highlands: the industrialisation of our countryside. What was a beautiful view of the mountains is now rows of 200-metre-high whirling turbines, and large new pylons marching across the country to the cities, where the demand is. Secondly, what is in it for the locals? The turbines and generators are manufactured overseas, the developer and utilities firms are from outwith the UK, and the workers are shipped in. Last year, our total community benefit from that multibillion-pound industry was an estimated £9.1 million in the highlands, and £26.4 million across Scotland as a whole. It should be a multiple of those figures. We in the highlands pay 50% more for electricity connection than people in the south of England, yet increasingly, the highlands is where that electricity is generated. The Government are releasing the restrictions on onshore wind farms in England, so what is an issue for Scotland now will become an issue for many rural areas across Great Britain.

What can be done about this? I propose that 5% of revenue from all newly consented renewable energy generated both onshore and offshore should be paid to community benefit funds. For onshore projects, two thirds of that should be paid to the affected council ward, with one third paid to a council infrastructure fund; for offshore projects, all of that 5% of gross revenue should go to council infrastructure funds. Existing renewable projects over 1 MW should pay 2%, as per the split already outlined. For transmission lines and substations, the Irish have an excellent community benefit plan that we can learn from—I would like the energy Minister to listen to this, rather than do his emails. The Norwegians handled the revenue from the North sea oil boom well, and their sovereign wealth fund is now valued at $1.7 trillion. Britain saved nothing, and we are in real danger of repeating that mistake with the renewables bonanza.

I close by saying there is considerable disadvantage to the people of rural Britain in taking on the downsides of hosting our move from a carbon-based economy to a renewable electric alternative. It is only fair that we make it beneficial to the people affected. It is great that the Great British Energy Bill will be further strengthened to include enabling community energy—that is really important.

Finally, Inverness is the centre of onshore and offshore wind, the existing hydropower industry, and massive pump storage projects. I am glad that GB Energy is going to be headquartered in Scotland, and I believe Inverness would be the right place for it. Irrespective of that, one of its first jobs should be to look at my proposals and to ensure that the benefits of Scotland’s renewables can be properly shared, because this is an opportunity that we cannot afford to miss.

It is a great pleasure to follow the hon. Member for Inverness, Skye and West Ross-shire (Mr MacDonald). I congratulate him on that excellent speech. In particular, when he speaks of Charles Kennedy, who is still tremendously missed in this place, he speaks of a political giant we all reflect on very fondly. It is also a great pleasure to follow my hon. Friend the Member for St Austell and Newquay (Noah Law), who I also congratulate on an excellent speech.

I speak today in support of a Bill that has the potential to be a real game-changer in the fight to decarbonise our energy supply. I applaud my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State on his determination in bringing this Bill before the House so soon after the general election. It is hugely encouraging that the Government have got straight on with the business of setting up GB Energy, following hot on the heels of the excellent auction that we heard about just this week. GB Energy’s task—working hand in hand with the private sector to power an ambitious expansion of renewable energy—is a crucial one. The task of decarbonising our energy supply could not be more urgent. Scientists have made it clear that the warming of our climate due to carbon emissions is having disastrous consequences that are already being felt. We are not heading towards a climate emergency: we are already living in one.

We should reject the voices that say that China’s growth means that anything we do is futile. That is an excuse never to take the steps needed to decarbonise. Of course, there is a role for international negotiation and bringing pressure to bear on other nations, but we do that more convincingly when our own house is in order. That is why I am so pleased to support GB Energy. We have also seen the danger of being reliant on other nations for our energy security. Energy supply chains are increasingly fraught with geopolitical tensions and, in the case of Russia’s senseless invasion of Ukraine, outright conflicts. That lays bare just how vulnerable we can be when we cannot provide for ourselves. Make no mistake, energy security is national security.

We should benefit from the great natural riches this country is endowed with, yet the last Government’s inconsistency of approach detracted from the investment in renewable energy that we need. From the ban on onshore wind to the downgrading of feed-in tariffs and the disastrous, failed contracts for difference round 5 auction, the renewables sector has not previously had a consistent partner to maximise the potential for renewable energy.

I am fully aligned with the hon. Member’s priority for national security in energy not to rely on other nations. Of course, within the UK, Scotland generates vastly more energy than we can consume. Although we are in the same state—in the United Kingdom—Scotland is a different country and a different nation. Does he think it is appropriate that Scotland should reap no benefit whatsoever from its energy endowment relative to anywhere else on these islands?

I do not recognise the hon. Gentleman’s description at all. We are part of a United Kingdom, and we all make contributions and we all receive benefits. The people of Scotland were given an option to vote to leave, and they chose not to. I know that is a result he bitterly regrets, but that is the choice the people of Scotland made. It is absolutely true that Scotland produces a large amount of renewable energy and of energy more generally, and it also gets many other benefits in many other ways. That is why I suspect the number of Members on the Benches next to him is so much smaller than it was previously, because people have recognised, overall, the benefits of being part of this great Union.

As I say, we should benefit from the great natural riches that his country is endowed with, but the previous Government’s approach withheld those opportunities. What today’s Bill offers, alongside the astonishingly successful round 6 auction, is a strong signal that the new Government are taking the generation of renewable energy far more seriously. It is imperative that the sector knows it has a Government who are a reliable partner, without constant knee-jerk changes in policy: not a pushover or a Government who give away taxpayers’ money thoughtlessly, but one setting out a fair and reliable basis for firms to invest.

Alongside the imperative to reduce emissions and bills, GB Energy can be crucial for our economy. I am pleased that the Government have announced that GB Energy will be headquartered in Scotland. Scotland is proportionately the leading nation in the UK for renewable power. However, I caution the Secretary of State not to ignore the contribution of coalfield communities such as those that he and I represent. In north Derbyshire and across the north midlands and south Yorkshire coalfields, communities that were created to power the nation with coal from the dawn of the industrial revolution should be central to the Government’s thinking in this arena.

This Government have laid down demanding targets to double energy generated by onshore wind farms, triple solar power and quadruple offshore wind. Those objectives are a vital part of decarbonising the grid by 2030, but we should not be in any doubt about the challenge they represent. There are still many legitimate questions about the operation of this new enterprise and where the balance will sit between being a conduit to private investment and being a provider in its own right, but criticism of the Bill from Opposition Members has been wildly overblown. The truth is that this small Bill is introducing the company—it is not the entire energy policy of this Government—and much of the criticism has been fanciful. However, I would be interested to know from my hon. Friend the Minister how the new company will work across Government to unlock the planning system while taking communities along with us.

I am extremely pleased to speak in support of this Bill, and I will be voting for it with great enthusiasm. Yes, there is lots more work to do, but this Government have made a damn good start.

I call Ann Davies to make her maiden speech.

Diolch yn fawr, Dirprwy Lefarydd—thank you very much, Madam Deputy Speaker. It is a pleasure to follow the hon. Member for Chesterfield (Mr Perkins), to hear so many maiden speeches here today—especially from our fellow Celts in Cornwall and, of course, the hon. Member for Clwyd East (Becky Gittins)—and to contribute to this important debate. The climate crisis and the need to decarbonise our energy generation are among the most pressing challenges of our time, and how we choose to respond will shape the future of all our communities, including those in Carmarthenshire I have the privilege to represent.

I am deeply honoured to have been elected to represent the newly formed constituency of Caerfyrddin, which was created from the previous seats of Carmarthen East and Dinefwr, and of Carmarthen West and South Pembrokeshire. Although new in this Parliament, the constituency has historical roots, having existed under similar boundaries between 1918 and 1997.

I would first like to pay tribute to my immediate predecessors, Jonathan Edwards and Simon Hart. Jonathan served our community diligently for 14 years, demonstrating the essence of being a constituency MP, which is to work hard, serve all and be rooted within our communities. Simon also served for 14 years with dedication, and I acknowledge that to the western parts of Caerfyrddin.

Our constituency has a proud history, and it is impossible to speak of it without mentioning Gwynfor Evans, who won the seat back in 1966 as the first ever Plaid Cymru MP. His victory was a watershed moment for Welsh nationalism, and I am acutely aware that I would not be standing here today without Gwynfor, so his name might make a few appearances in this speech. It is in part thanks to him, and those who worked alongside him, that Plaid Cymru today represents our highest ever proportion of Welsh seats in this esteemed organisation, and we do not take that responsibility lightly. It is also thanks to Gwynfor that today we are able to take the oath of allegiance in Welsh, and in Cornish as was mentioned earlier, within this establishment. He was the first MP to attempt to do so in 1966, and was rebuked by the then Speaker. We have, of course, moved on since those days.

I also want briefly to mention Megan Lloyd George, who was the first female MP for Carmarthen—I am the second—between 1957 and 1966. It was a surreal moment, on the morning that I was sung off from the train station in Caerfyrddin, to find when we landed in Paddington that I was on the Megan Lloyd George train.

In many respects, Caerfyrddin is a microcosm of Wales. We have the lush green Tywi, Taf and Teifi valleys, rich in natural beauty, and to the south and east we have a proud industrial heritage with the coalmines of Cwm Gwendraeth and Dyffryn Aman. Those communities, like so many across Wales, still bear the scars of that industrial past—poor housing, low-paid work, and poor health outcomes are legacies that we must all address. We are all too aware of the effects that that extractive economy has had on Wales. Our land produced vast mineral wealth, yet much of the economic benefit was extracted for the profit of others, leaving our communities to bear the human cost.

Renewable energy now presents an historic opportunity for the Welsh economy, similar to the role that coal once played. However, I fear that history has little regard to our communities, and is in danger of repeating itself. Under this Government’s Great British Energy Bill, private companies will be encouraged to build wind farms and develop tidal energy, solar, hydropower and carbon capture projects under leasing agreements with the Crown Estate.

Let us mention the Crown Estate for a moment—a company that holds assets in Wales valued at more than £853 million in 2023. Despite having powers over Welsh natural resources, the Welsh Government have no powers over the Crown Estate, so the profits from leasing to private companies go straight to the UK Treasury, with a cut for the royal family. Those powers were devolved to our friends in Scotland in 2017, so why not to Wales? The large often multinational companies that the Government will be encouraging to lead development under GB Energy will mean, yet again, profits flowing out of Wales, with little gain for our communities. Ironically, some of those companies are state-owned enterprises, but it is citizens of other nations who will benefit, rather than our own.

I mentioned the lush valleys that I represent, the Teifi and Tywi. Under the current plans of Green GEN Cymru and Bute Energy, a 90 km long, 132 kV dual circuit overhead line is being proposed, which has been met with widespread local resistance. Local people are passionately in favour of decarbonisation, but we simply ask that the Welsh Government’s policy is implemented, which is that,

“electricity transmission cables should be placed underground where possible, not just in designated landscapes but where possible.”

We know that undergrounding is already commonplace in many European countries, particularly using developing cable plough technology. The UK and Welsh Governments should be placing greater emphasis on developers incorporating such undergrounding into their proposals. Landowners across the Tywi and Teifi valleys are prepared to allow access to land if an undergrounding commitment is made by Green GEN Cymru. Unfortunately, despite many attempts by me and others, the company refuses to make that commitment. It would undoubtedly save developers time and money if they would just fully engage meaningfully with our communities.

In his maiden speech, Gwynfor Evans described Carmarthenshire as

“a county of very great natural wealth”.—[Official Report, 26 July 1966; Vol. 732, c. 1499.]

He said it was home to the only anthracite coalfield in Britain, steelworks and ports, and that it had vast agricultural potential, but he added that people

“see no evidence of this prosperity. What they see is mines closing, railways closing, steel workers being made redundant”—

as we have now—

“and a decline in agriculture.”—[Official Report, 26 July 1966; Vol. 732, c. 1498.]

It was as true then as it is today. Rural depopulation remains an impending crisis in Caerfyrddin.

I was born and raised in Llanarthne. I have moved only four miles in my entire life. I farmed there. I have a tenanted dairy farm unit with my husband Gareth, who is up in the Gallery with my family and friends. I am a mother of three daughters and a mamgu of seven. I know I do not look it—you all should have jumped in there. You lost your opportunity, boys.

I am all too aware of the shift among many of those in our younger generations away from agriculture, with many moving to cities to work. If we allow global corporations to treat Wales as a playground for their activities, without ensuring that local communities benefit economically, socially and ecologically, we only exacerbate the depopulation of our countryside. We have already seen large international corporations buying up farmland in Carmarthenshire to plant trees to offset their own carbon footprints, but without changing any of their commercial practices. That is not the path to a sustainable future for our communities, and it is not the path towards food security or the best use of land. We need legislation that ensures that local communities derive the greatest benefits from renewable energy investments.

Climate action cannot succeed while we continue to encourage an extractive economy, and it is our responsibility to develop our rural economy to be locally focused. That creates well-paid jobs for local people and regenerates wealth within our communities. As the Member for Caerfyrddin, I want to see a different economic model for Wales that is locally owned, where the benefits are retained within our communities and where development is driven not solely for profit, but for the wellbeing of our people. We should adopt a distributed, decentralised model of energy generation that spreads ownership and benefits broadly across our communities. Those two aspects—ownership and benefit—must go hand in hand.

To return to Gwynfor’s words from his maiden speech, he said that

“the Welsh are beginning to take their country as seriously as the English take their country and as seriously as the Danes and Swedes take their countries.”—[Official Report, 26 July 1966; Vol. 732, c. 1498.]

Thanks to Gwynfor and the foundation he laid, the people of Wales take their country seriously. We have our own lawmaking Parliament, and our two languages—Welsh and English—officially have full equal status in public life. There is much we can still do and much we can learn from other nations. Denmark has rooted its decarbonisation efforts in local ownership, which has accelerated its progress, because it has garnered widespread public support. In Denmark, there has been a legal requirement since 2009 for at least 20% of renewable energy projects to be offered to local ownership. The Institute of Welsh Affairs has recently suggested a similar threshold of around 15% as a minimum for Wales. That is the kind of forward thinking that we need.

During the election campaign, many people kept saying to me, “You’re not a normal politician.” My response was, “Why aren’t I? I am a mam, a mamgu, a farmer, a business owner—running a children’s nursery that we started from scratch—a former teacher and a lecturer. And there isn’t a training module for this job, is there? It’s just life experience.” I am determined in this new role to show women in Carmarthenshire that we all belong in the rooms where decisions are taken, absolutely.

I carry with me the voices of those who have been overlooked for far too long: farmers who toil the land; families who strive for a better future; and communities who deserve far more than crumbs from the table. The path forward must be one where Wales controls its own destiny, where the wealth of our natural resources enriches our people and where the decisions that shape our future are made not in boardrooms far away but by the very people who live and work in our communities. That is how we will ensure protection for our environment and our society for the years to come. Diolch yn fawr.

I call Elaine Stewart to make her maiden speech.

I begin by congratulating the previous speaker, the hon. Member for Caerfyrddin (Ann Davies), on making an excellent maiden speech. I also congratulate all new Members who have made interesting and inspiring contributions today. I am delighted to be making my maiden speech as part of the debate on the Great British Energy Bill. GB Energy will, of course, be headquartered in Scotland. With clean energy infrastructure already in place and the workforce to match, Ayrshire would be an ideal setting. However, regardless of where it is located, GB Energy will create thousands of jobs and deliver energy security and lower prices for consumers throughout the UK.

As it is customary, it is right that I pay tribute to my direct predecessor, Allan Dorans, who served his constituents well through the last five years. Politics aside, it is important to acknowledge the hard work and dedication that is asked of us elected Members. We carry out our duties and represent all constituents to the best of our ability. In his maiden speech, my predecessor said he hoped that voters in Ayr, Carrick and Cumnock would never again elect an MP to go to Westminster. On that point, I am glad to say he was wrong.

I also pay tribute to my Labour predecessor, Sandra Osborne. Sandra was the first Labour and first woman MP for Ayr from 1997 until 2015. Sandra was an outstanding MP and is still remembered fondly by many throughout the constituency. I also pay tribute to her predecessor as MP for Carrick, Cumnock and Doon Valley, George Foulkes, who now sits in the other place as Lord Foulkes of Cumnock.

Madam Deputy Speaker, allow me to say a few words about my constituency of Ayr, Carrick and Cumnock. It runs all the way from Pinwherry to my beloved Dalmellington, with many rural and coastal towns and villages in between. Ayr is the county town of Ayrshire and hosts vital services such as Ayr university hospital and the University of the West of Scotland campuses, as well as a first-class racecourse that hosts the Scottish grand national.

The constituency is also famous as the birthplace of Scotland’s national bard, Robert Burns. Robert Burns is a global icon. His poems and songs are renowned across the world. It would be difficult to pin Burns down on his politics, but our shared admiration for the red, red rose fills me with quiet confidence.

Carrick lies to the south of the constituency. Maybole and the seaside town of Girvan both look out on to the Ailsa Craig—yes, I have an island, too. Ailsa Craig is famous for granite, which is quarried to make curling stones worldwide. There is a joke that Scottish women make champion curlers because they are used to sweeping around dead weights.

Cumnock and Doon Valley consists of former mining areas, and Cumnock was a home to Keir Hardie, the founder of the Labour party. When critics take a pop at the Labour party, they say, “Keir Hardie would turn in his grave.” They do not realise that he was, in fact, cremated in Maryhill in Glasgow. A fine marble bust of Keir Hardie sits outside Cumnock town hall. It is a popular spot for a photo for leading Labour figures visiting the area. Even Michael Portillo felt obliged to have his picture taken for his travel documentary. He, too, will be happy that this Government have been so quick to act to improve the great British railways.

When hon. Members decide to travel to my constituency, they will also find the magnificent Dumfries House in Cumnock. Saved by an intervention in 2007 from the Prince of Wales, now His Majesty King Charles, the project has developed much-needed educational, research and employment opportunities across the area, with great success.

There are many gems to be found across the constituency. However, my fond memories are of growing up in a small village called Dalmellington and being born and raised in Bellsbank, as part of a scheme built to house the miners moving into the area. Picnics at the spectacular Loch Doon, pit parties with all the miners’ weans and playing kerby in the street—it was a simple life, but filled with joy. I am the proud daughter of a miner and an NHS worker. Given that, I was delighted to stand on a manifesto to end the injustice of the mineworkers’ pension scheme, and I was proud to ask about that very issue in my first question to the Government yesterday.

As the youngest of four siblings, times were tough growing up in our house—it was a case of first up, best dressed. These humble beginnings make my journey to this place even more remarkable. The journey was made easier by my two beautiful children, who have supported me all the way. My friends keep me grounded every day, and I thank them for that. I have always been keen to push and challenge myself, which is why I decided at the age of 18 to move to New York, where I worked as an au pair. If someone had told my younger self where I would be standing today, I simply would not have believed it. The odds were stacked against me—back then, the glass ceilings were still very much in place. Around that time, I assume a young Kamala Harris felt the same.

Thankfully, progress has been made. I am thrilled to sit as an MP in this place alongside a record number of women. I am thrilled to see a Government with a record number of women in Cabinet. I am thrilled that this Government have appointed the first female Chancellor in history. Yes, progress has been made. In November, I am sure that the whole House will welcome the prospect of yet another glass ceiling being smashed in the world of politics.

I returned from the United States to become a youth worker. Through my work in the third sector, on projects such as the Zone initiative and the Coalfields Regeneration Trust, I have supported communities to help them flourish. Over the years, I have worked tirelessly in those communities to give children and young people the opportunity to socialise and to champion them. It is about providing vital training and employment opportunities to deprived areas. My work in this place and in my constituency will continue in the same vein, as it always has—supporting communities through public service. My direct experience of how local communities are suffering is exactly why I am standing here today. The chance to change the lives of people, who are often vulnerable and feeling left behind, is a passion that lies deep in my soul.

I will end with this: the day before his tragic, untimely death, the late leader of the Labour party John Smith ended his last speech by saying:

“The opportunity to serve our country—that is all we ask.”

I promise to serve my constituency to the best of my ability.

I call Anna Sabine to make her maiden speech.

Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. I thank the hon. Member for Ayr, Carrick and Cumnock (Elaine Stewart) for her speech, particularly what she said about women in politics and smashing the glass ceiling. All the maiden speeches today have been fantastic, but in particular I mention that of the hon. Member for Stroud (Dr Opher), because he talked about developing vaccines for cancer. That was rather poignant for me, because while I have been in the Chamber I have learned that a good friend of mine has died of bowel cancer, which she had had for many years. I pay tribute to her and her young family.

The Great British Energy Bill is particularly important to the residents of Frome and East Somerset, many of whom, especially in more rural areas, live in fuel poverty. Frome and East Somerset is a wholly new constituency created by the recent boundary review, which means I have the very great privilege of being its first ever MP. Frome has a reputation as a cultural and arts hub for the south-west, home to the Cheese & Grain, the Mark Bruce Dance Company and the renowned Frome Independent market. It also has the dubious honour, I am told, of being the most mispronounced town in the UK. Given the number of mispronunciations of my own surname, Sabine, clearly my constituents were looking for someone who sympathises with their linguistic challenge. For the House’s information, it is definitely “Froom” not “Froam”.

I do not think my constituents would mind my describing Frome as feisty. The town is free spirited and forward thinking, often pioneering new ways of doing things, whether having a proudly independent town council, starting the UK’s first community fridge or sharing best practice on social prescribing in GP surgeries. Frome is awash with local groups doing incredible work for the environment, such as Friends of the River Frome and Frome Families for the Future, with which I have already had the pleasure of working. I look forward to championing their causes throughout my time in this place.

Until July, Frome was represented by my hon. Friend the Member for Glastonbury and Somerton (Sarah Dyke), and I hope to be able to emulate her energy and enthusiasm in serving this very special place. The East Somerset half of my constituency comprises the settlements of Midsomer Norton, Radstock and Peasedown St John. These areas have a proud coalmining history dating back to the 1700s. They also share a fantastic sense of community, some wonderful local schools, and plenty of walks and open countryside to enjoy. Midsomer Norton is also home to a section of the Somerset and Dorset railway, with one mile of track running from Midsomer to Chilcompton. My late father was both an ardent Lib Dem and a massive steam train enthusiast, so I think he would have been delighted to see his new MP daughter being given a tour of the railway by the trust’s wonderful volunteers during its 150th birthday celebrations this summer.

Until July, East Somerset was represented by Sir Jacob Rees-Mogg. I know from my time in the constituency the high regard in which he and his team were held by local people, particularly when it came to responding to and resolving casework. That commitment to supporting local residents, shown by both Sir Jacob and my hon. Friend the Member for Glastonbury and Somerton, is one I aim to emulate.

Dotted throughout the constituency are a whole host of other villages, hamlets and communities, many with farming and rural traditions at their heart and with a real sense of community spirit. If I have made it sound like my constituency comprises three distinct parts, then hon. Members should know that they are linked by many factors, such as a proud industrial heritage, a sense of community spirit and, of course, a love of Somerset cider. However, there are constituency-wide issues, which I will work hard to resolve, such as a lack of access to dentists, serious challenges around safety on our A roads, and a need for better bus services to help link up all the different settlements. I moved to Somerset over 20 years ago and intend to spend my time in this place working hard on the issues I know matter to the people in Frome and East Somerset.

Finally, let me say a word on my journey to Parliament. I am technically not the first member of my family to be found on the parliamentary estate. My great, great aunt, Helen Fraser, was a Scottish suffragist and her picture is part of the display on the wall in the admissions office. In 1922, she was the first woman to stand for Parliament in Scotland—of course she stood for the Liberal party—but sadly she did not make it to the Chamber herself.

I attended a state comprehensive school in Hampshire, where I grew up with my mum and brother. I won a county music scholarship that enabled me to join my amazing local youth orchestra and have a whole range of experiences I would not otherwise have been able to take part in. I managed to secure a place at Oxford University and I can well remember feeling like a fish out of water when I arrived there, absolutely bemused by its architecture and traditions, and often wondering if Oxford was really a place for someone like me. Fast forward 26 years and many of those emotions welled up again as I wandered around the parliamentary estate and grappled with the intricacies of its systems and procedures. As a single mum now myself, I am acutely aware that many of the ways in which this place works were not designed with parenting in mind, and they do not always feel accessible to many of us—although I should mention that I am grateful for all the support, as I am sure all new Members are, from the extraordinarily kind and helpful House staff.

Part of the reason I stood for Parliament was to give my wonderful children some faith in our political system and to show them that anyone can be an MP. I am absolutely determined that in my time here I will always have one eye on ensuring that the young people of Frome and East Somerset are not made to feel that anywhere is out of their reach. I want young people from all backgrounds in my constituency to know that the great institutions of this country, be they our universities, our scientific bodies, our civil service, our orchestras or indeed this place, are institutions where they are not only able to participate, but are actively welcomed.

I call Julie Minns to make her maiden speech.

Thank you for calling me, Madam Deputy Speaker. I also thank the hon. Member for Frome and East Somerset (Anna Sabine) for her maiden speech, made on what I understand is a very difficult afternoon for her. I am sure that everyone in the House would join me in sending condolences to her and to the family of her friend.

This has been a most entertaining and enjoyable debate. Any debate that marries ABBA, Stan Laurel and Shane Warne is one that I want very much to be part of, so I am delighted to have the opportunity to make my maiden speech in this context. It is also apt that I make it during a debate on Great British Energy. It is apt not just because the transition to clean energy and tackling climate change are critical to Carlisle—flooding has already decimated our city twice during this century, and local villages are too often cut off by localised flooding—and not just because we need to remove the obstacles that prevent Cumbria’s farmers from connecting their solar and wind farms, but because people right across Carlisle and north Cumbria tell me that they are desperate to see that cut in their energy bills.

It is also personally apt that I speak on this topic. My great-grandfather, a Conservative alderman and councillor for Carlisle, was a man of unusually progressive thinking. In 1909, he urged our city’s industries to set aside coal and instead harness the hydroelectric power of the three rivers on which our great border city stands. I like to think that, whatever our political differences, my great-grandfather and I would have agreed that Great British Energy is not just right, but essential for Carlisle, for Cumbria, and for our country.

I am the first Carlisle-born Member of Parliament since 1918, and the very first woman to represent England’s most northerly city. It is a city of many little-known facts. For example, in the 1830s, it was home to Britain’s first black police officer. In 1916, David Lloyd George nationalised all our city’s pubs and breweries, declaring that their intoxicating effect on munitions workers was doing more damage to the British war effort than the entirety of the German submarine fleet. In 1963, the Beatles were thrown out of Carlisle’s Crown & Mitre Hotel after a complaint from the local golf club that the young Liverpudlians were too casually dressed. My predecessor John Stevenson is himself a keen golfer, and I like to think that while he might be a stickler for the rules, he would have recognised the fledgling talent of the Fab Four, and would not have been so hasty in demanding their removal. I say this because John was a strong advocate for the potential of our young people, and played an important role in securing the new Pears medical school at the University of Cumbria, which will open its doors next year.

In over 2,000 years of city history, the University of Cumbria is a relative newcomer, and its creation is testimony to the work of the last Labour MP for Carlisle, Eric Martlew, who did so much to secure a university for our city. I look forward very much to the opening of the new medical school, and the contribution that it will make to our Government’s mission to rebuild our NHS and train the next generation—like my own daughter—of home-grown doctors, nurses and paramedics.

My constituency lies between the Lake district and Hadrian’s Wall. It is plentiful in sheep and cattle, and is populated by folk known for good craic and a love of XL crisps. For the uninitiated, let me explain that the XL crisp is a savoury, cheesy—no onion—delight, whose availability in the catering outlets of this House I shall passionately campaign for. I shall also campaign for more critical matters, such as the completion of our flood defences—defences that were promised but not delivered by the last Government—the rebuilding of NHS dentistry across north Cumbria, and the growth of Carlisle’s night-time and visitor economies.

Carlisle and north Cumbria already have much to offer visitors. I challenge Members to name another UK city than can boast not only citadels, city walls and a Norman castle, but a Victorian railway station, a cathedral, and original Turkish Baths. At this point I must declare an interest, as chair of the charity working towards the refurbishment and reopening of Carlisle’s historic Turkish baths. It is one of only 12 original baths still in working order in the UK, the only one left in the north-west of England and the only one with a tiled interior made by the company responsible for the exquisite tiles here at the Palace of Westminster.

We are also blessed with a rich industrial heritage. Over the years, Carlisle has been a hub of food manufacturing, with the sweet manufacturer Teasdale, famous for its liquorice Nipits; Cavaghan & Gray, which produces not just any ready meals, but M&S ready meals; and Carr’s biscuits, home of the Table Water and employer of generations of cracker packers.

I could not be prouder to represent the city where I was born and raised. I owe a debt to Robert Ferguson school and Trinity school for helping a working-class child from Denton Holme to become the first in her family to go to university. Without university, I would not have become involved in politics and would not have had the privilege of campaigning for John Smith, a great parliamentarian, to become leader of our party. Nor would I have realised the ambition of my distant cousin Ernest Lowthian, who was Labour’s first parliamentary candidate for Carlisle back in 1918.

In conclusion, I return to my great-grandfather. At the opening of one of the bridges that cross the rivers whose energy he sought to harness, he said:

“Our job as servants of our great border city is to leave it a little better than we found it.”

That, Madam Deputy Speaker, is the task that I have set myself.

Order. To allow time for one more maiden speech, the next speaker has agreed to speak for two minutes. Thank you so much, Llinos Medi.

I congratulate the hon. Member for Carlisle (Ms Minns) on her maiden speech. I thank her for sharing her passion and for her mention of the delicatessens in her area after a long afternoon.

Ynys Môn is known as the energy island because of its rich natural energy potential, its powerful, predictable tides and the proud history of nuclear production on the island. The Wylfa site has been a political game for over a decade. Back in 2019 we were so close to the finish line, but the site lacked political support from the Government at the time. The community has witnessed the false dawn of Wylfa Newydd, and there is uncertainty regarding site under this Labour Government. The Government’s fact sheet for the Bill says that Great British Energy’s functions will include

“exploring how Great British Energy and Great British Nuclear will work together”.

The people of Ynys Môn do not want more consideration; they want clear commitment and timelines. I urge the Government to give Ynys Môn a straight answer about the future of the Wylfa site, and a clear timeline.

I was pleased that the HydroWing tidal project won 10 MW in the latest contract-for-difference auction. This technology will produce energy for the community-owned Morlais project off the coast of Holyhead. However, Wales received only 1.63% of the total auction allocation and no contracts were awarded to Welsh floating offshore wind projects. We were promised that a Labour Government in Westminster and a Labour Government in Wales would benefit Wales. This is yet to be seen.

A commitment for GBE to massively expand local and community ownership energy alongside devolution of the Crown Estate would ensure that ownership and profits from energy projects are in the hands of the people of Wales and could help lower bills. I urge this Government to make sure that those decisions are put in local hands, but not to rush the decisions on large solar panels, because food security is paramount and losing valuable agricultural land could mean a decline in the economy of Ynys Môn.

Ultimately, the immense natural energy potential of Ynys Môn and the rest of Wales can be truly realised only if control of Welsh natural resources is held by Welsh communities, backed with sufficient public investment to meet our climate and economic goals. I hope I was within the time limit, Madam Deputy Speaker.

That was magnificent. To make his maiden speech, I call Mark Sewards, who has five minutes.

Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. In the interest of saving time, I am sure you will grant me permission to skip to the part of my speech where I celebrate my great constituency of Leeds South West and Morley.

It is the greatest responsibility and honour of my life to stand before you as the Labour MP for Leeds South West and Morley. Alongside being a husband and a dad, this is the most important job I will ever do, and I give sincere thanks to my constituents and neighbours for sending me to this place.

It has been nine years since Morley and Outwood, the old constituency, sent Dame Andrea Jenkyns to represent us, and I would like to give sincere thanks to my predecessor. Dame Andrea is a ferocious campaigner for the issues she passionately believes in. During her time as our MP, she was a strong advocate for animal welfare and always stood up for the people of Ukraine. She will always speak her mind and her truth to power, as Members of this House will be able to confirm. While the list of things that we agree on is reasonably short, we were in broad agreement, prior to the general election, that there needed to be change in Prime Minister. I sincerely thank Dame Andrea Jenkyns for her service to her constituents and this House.

Leeds South West and Morley is steeped in history and tradition, and it is made up of some of the best and proudest communities in the country. The town of Morley is in the centre, and I am proud to say that I was raised there. However, some of my constituents will hear me say that and take issue, because I was in fact raised in Churwell, a village that is geographically attached to the town of Morley. While I will always call myself a proud Morleian, the truth is that there are distinct differences in each part of my constituency. Each one has its own proud history and its own stories to tell.

Part of Morley’s history is that it was once home to the penultimate Liberal Prime Minister, Herbert Asquith. You can find his name on buildings and in streets, including, I am sorry to say, the infamous Asquith Avenue, which is in desperate need of resurfacing. I know that some of the historians among us will never forgive Herbert Asquith—not for the quality of the roads in his name, but for the shell crisis of 1915, which saw the British Army left without the munitions it needed during world war one. This ultimately brought down his premiership, but given that the crisis was abated when the state stepped in to provide a solution, it stands as a reminder that, as powerful as the free market can be, at times there are problems and crises that require the power of the state to solve.

While I am sharing a snippet of the history of my constituency, it would be remiss of me not to talk about the place of the mills and the mines in the history of Leeds South West and Morley. Whether it was the role of Morley, Tingley, Gildersome or East Ardsley in the heavy woollen trade, or the mines in the villages of Lofthouse and Robin Hood, these industries have shaped our constituency and the home that we know and love today. But it is not just the history of my constituency that makes it great; it is the people. It is the people at Drighlington village’s Coffee Pot Memory Café, who do outstanding work for people with dementia. For their efforts, they were recently awarded the King’s award for voluntary service—one of the highest honours that such an organisation can receive. I commend them for their work.

While I am talking about Drighlington, I must also pay tribute to not one but two Olympic medallists who live in the village: Jack Laughter and Lois Toulson, who both won bronze in the 3-metre and 10-metre synchronised diving events in Paris. I congratulate them on their incredible success. It is Lois’s first medal and Jack’s fourth—he now has one of every colour.

In Churwell village, we are blessed with the environmental action volunteers, who keep the community looking outstanding. In Farnley, we have the 8th South West Leeds scout group, who work in conjunction with our litter pickers to keep our community looking outstanding. In Wortley, residents have gone to great lengths to protect and restore the TV Harrison football field. Leeds United legends have trained there, including Paul Reaney and David Batty, and I look forward to working with residents and the Leeds Schools Sports Association, which has responsibility for the site, to restore it to its former glory.

Although Farnley and Wortley are new additions to the constituency, it is a place that does not have its own community hub or library. But what it does have are some outstanding sports teams that make up the community hub for our community in Farnley and Wortley. These are Wortley FC, the Farnley Falcons, West Leeds RUFC and, of course, New Farnley Cricket Club. Wortley is the place where I am raising my own children, Oscar and Arthur, who will never be able to call themselves Morleians, I am sorry to say.

Finally, Madam Deputy Speaker—I know that my remaining time is very short—I want to reference the work of WF3 Kindness, which works across Tingley, Ardsley, Thorpe, Lofthouse and Robin Hood. Its sole aim is to help people in those communities to live stronger and better lives, and I look forward to supporting the charity in that work.

These organisations and constituents have sent me here to return politics to public service once again. They have sent me here to restore stability to our country and our economy. They have sent me here to plug the gaps that they have often had to fill themselves. My constituents have stepped up for their community time and again, and it is my turn to do the same for them.

I call the shadow Minister.

It has been a great privilege to listen to so many maiden speeches this afternoon, with so many Members of Parliament, pretenders to the throne, representing what they claim to be the most beautiful constituency in the country. Everybody, of course, knows that is West Aberdeenshire and Kincardine, but listening to everybody was a great reminder of the fact that there is so much more that unites us than divides us. We are all privileged to serve in this place, and we are all privileged to serve the constituents who sent us here for however long or short.

However, reading through the list of the 18 constituencies whose Member gave their maiden speech today felt like reading the list of all the parts of the country where I either spoke or campaigned over the last year. The fact they are now all represented by parties not my own perhaps says something about my campaigning ability: Clwyd East; Northampton South; North East Hertfordshire; Eastleigh; Stratford and Bow; Cheadle; Truro and Falmouth; Camborne and Redruth; Stroud; Barrow and Furness; St Austell and Newquay; Inverness, Skye and West Ross-shire; Caerfyrddin; Ayr, Carrick and Cumnock; Frome and East Somerset; Carlisle; Ynys Môn; and Leeds South West and Morley—all fantastic maiden speeches. Welcome to the House of Commons. It is just unfortunate that, on such an auspicious and a proud day for those Members, we had to spend our time talking about an unnecessary and costly gimmick that will not improve our energy security and will do nothing to reduce consumers’ bills or our carbon emissions.

We heard the Liberal Democrats claim that we left a mess for the Government to clean up when it comes to energy. Well, if having the first to fifth largest offshore wind farms in the world, the fastest reduction of carbon emissions in the G7, an end to coal-fired power production and net zero in law is a mess, I would like to see a good job well done.

We heard great claims from the Secretary of State that GB Energy will incentivise investment and speed up the deployment of new technologies while scaling up more mature ones, all of which is debatable to say the least. As the public out there watch their bills go up again, the Labour party claimed through the election that creating this company will automatically lead to lower bills. We heard again and again that bills will be £300 lower. Funny that we do not hear that figure bandied around as frequently today. That is the most questionable claim.

If not £300, as the Secretary of State used to claim, by how much will bills fall as a result of establishing this company, and by when? How will this company speed up deployment? What will it do differently, given that we already have the first to fifth largest offshore wind farms generating power here right now without this costly gimmick? Although I respect the ambition and agree that we need to see more jobs for British workers and the establishment of a UK-based supply chain, which is why we created the sustainable industry rewards that will come in at allocation round 7, does the Minister acknowledge that this will take time and that we are hundreds of thousands of workers short of the plans that we have to build right now, and that this will make no difference to the Government’s 2030 plans?

The Secretary of State’s claim not to be neutral about where things are made rings hollow to the supply chain in and around Aberdeen, which is worried about the future of North sea oil and gas because of his Government’s decisions. The announcement, with much fanfare, that GB Energy will establish an unprecedented partnership with the Crown Estate is fantastic, but what does that mean for Scotland, where the Crown Estate is devolved? The private sector projects are, in the Secretary of State’s words, guaranteed to return a profit, so why do they need to be de-risked by the taxpayer? What will be the cost to the taxpayer when, inevitably, some of these new technologies fail? What will be the company’s final bill for taxpayers?

Although £8 billion is a large amount of money—just think how many pensioners could heat their home for that amount, for example—the TUC, no less, conducted an analysis last year that found that GB Energy will need around £61 billion to £82 billion of investment between 2025 and 2035 to scale it up to the level needed to do all the miraculous things that the Government claim.

This initial £8.3 billion capitalisation, large when we have such pressure on public finances, seems a little on the low side if the Government really want to create a British Ørsted or EDF, bailed out annually by the taxpayer, especially given that £3.3 billion is planned to fund local authorities and provide low-cost loans to communities, leaving £5 billion to do everything else. When does the Minister expect his boss, the Secretary of State, who has returned to the Chamber, to go cap in hand to the Treasury asking for more money? What exactly does he think the Chancellor’s response will be?

How will the establishment of GB Energy impact the independence of GB Nuclear? Will GB Energy now have the final say over the small modular reactor drawdown process? How is that process progressing anyway? Do we have a timeline for a final decision on that or on a third gigawatt-scale reactor at Wylfa?

I thank the hon. Gentleman—apologies, the right hon. Gentleman—for giving way. Some 18 years ago, a younger Member for Doncaster North approved land at Moorside, next to Sellafield, for new nuclear use, but 18 years on we are now at the eleventh hour, thanks to the indecision, chaos and confusion of the last Government, who were unable to make long-term decisions about the nuclear future of our country but are now lecturing this Government. Why is the shadow Minister defending the last Government’s approach when it is so apparent that a new approach is needed?

I thank the hon. Gentleman for his question. He was right the first time—hon. Gentleman, not right hon. Gentleman. I was very pleased to visit Sellafield and Moorside in his constituency, and I was proud to be the first Minister for nuclear in the history of this country. I was proud to launch Great British Nuclear, and to announce the small modular reactor drawdown scheme, our route to market for alternative energy, that we would build a third gigawatt-scale reactor at Wylfa and that we would carry on with things at Sizewell. Now it is in the hands of the hon. Gentleman’s party to take the decisions necessary to move the nuclear industry to the next level, moving forward on our proud, world-leading agenda for reinvestment and our revolutionising of this country’s nuclear industry, of which he is rightly proud.

On that point, will the shadow Minister give way?

I will not, because that will eat into his own Minister’s time to respond. Oh, maybe I will as it is the hon. Gentleman who is asking.

The shadow Minister is such a generous man. He is listing all the commitments he made, but we all know that his Government made £22 billion-worth of commitments that they had no idea how they would pay for. Why does he not tell the truth?

“Truth” is quite an interesting word coming from the party that has decided to prioritise train drivers over pensioners and that, on the very day it announced a 22% increase in junior doctors’ pay, told the pensioners of this country they would be going cold this winter.

To go back to the matter at hand, what will be the relationship between GB Energy and UK Industrial Fusion Solutions or the International Atomic Energy Agency? How will that affect the plans for STEP—the spherical tokamak for energy production—at West Burton? The Secretary of State wants the UK to export more energy, but has he done an analysis of the impact on bill payers of building the required infrastructure and interconnectors? Will GB Energy and not Ofgem now be the final decision maker when it comes to the approval of new international interconnectors to the continent? If so, how will it be held responsible for those decisions by the Department and by Parliament?

I know the Minister is a respectful person, so I ask him sincerely to please end the disrespect being shown to the people of Aberdeen, with the “will they, won’t they” game being played around the location of GB Energy’s headquarters. Politics aside, that area of the country is already worried about its economic future. My plea to him, as my hon. Friend the Member for Gordon and Buchan (Harriet Cross) asked earlier, is to end that situation and make an announcement as soon as possible.

Ultimately, the simple question the Minister will have to answer, after having considered all the points made by hon. Members this afternoon, is why? Why are the Government doing this? Britain is already a world leader in clean energy production. We are already leading the world in cutting our carbon emissions. We already export energy. We are building new technologies at unprecedented rates. We have halved our emissions and done so while growing the economy.

The Secretary of State regularly, and rightly, claims that it is Britain’s over-reliance on gas that has led to bill payers here paying higher bills than in other countries. As I say, he is not wrong. It is acknowledged by the Climate Change Committee that we will be reliant on gas for a significant proportion of our energy supply for many years to come, so his decisions for the North sea will leave us, in the short term, even more reliant on foreign imports and on the countries and regimes he claims he wants to free us from, and there will be a lower tax return for the Treasury from a smaller sector. Jobs, capabilities and skills will be lost overseas, and bills will not fall, certainly not by the £300 he claimed during the election.

So if there is nothing in GB Energy for bill payers, it does not have the capital to enable it to be an Ørsted or an EDF, we are already a world leader, it will open the taxpayer up to huge risk, investing in emerging technologies might fail and it will not increase our energy security, the question is why do it? What is the point in GB Energy? Surely the Secretary of State is not that desperate to have something to put on his “Ed stone” or to have a new plaque to unveil. It may well be about the “Ed stone”, but the Secretary of State should be aware that this Bill could be the Government’s tombstone. We have seen how these projects end up: Robin Hood Energy collapsing, leaving Nottingham City council with a bill of £38 million; and the same with Bristol Energy. What will the bill for the country be if GB Energy follows the same path?

Great British Energy will not produce any energy, it will not cut household energy bills by £300 as the Prime Minister, the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Secretary of State for Energy Security and Net Zero have all stated, and it will not compensate for the amount of investment in energy projects that will be deterred by the Government’s plans to prematurely shut down the UK’s oil and gas sector. It is an unjustified use of taxpayers’ money at a time when the Government are withdrawing the winter fuel payment for 10 million pensioners as energy bills rise. I echo the words of the Secretary of State and urge Members on the Government Benches to ignore their Whip and vote for our amendment this evening.

May I begin by thanking right hon. and hon. Members who have participated in this extremely wide-ranging debate this afternoon? I particularly pay tribute to all Members across the House who made their maiden speech in this debate. Thankfully, the hon. Member for West Aberdeenshire and Kincardine (Andrew Bowie) has already run through all the constituency names, so I do not need to do that again. However, I do want to highlight specifically some of the really emotional contributions that we heard from hon. Members, particularly my hon. Friends the Members for North East Hertfordshire (Chris Hinchliff) and for Stratford and Bow (Uma Kumaran) and the hon. Member for Eastleigh (Liz Jarvis), who spoke so passionately, as many did, about their pride in their communities and the importance of this moment and this decisive decade in tackling irreversible climate change. There will come a point in this Parliament when we will not have debates that are dominated by maiden speeches, and I will really regret that, because every time I sit here I learn a lot more about the country in which we live. I thank all those Members for sharing their communities with us this afternoon.

This has been a thorough and interesting discussion about the principles behind this Bill and the establishment of Great British Energy. The UK faces immense challenges, from energy insecurity and our over-reliance on volatile fossil fuel markets to the cost of living crisis and climate crisis. This Government are determined to address those challenges with clean energy being a key part of the solution.

Other countries have already seized the opportunity of publicly owned energy generation companies, which has left Britain behind. Unlike previous Governments, this Government are committed to the benefits of public ownership in the UK, and we want UK citizens and taxpayers to own parts of our infrastructure, too.

Great British Energy will drive clean energy deployment, boost energy independence and generate benefits for all parts of the United Kingdom. It will deliver for the British people, creating good jobs, delivering profits and demonstrating international leadership.

Will the Minister give way?

I will carry on just now, because we have a very short time before we finish.

I wish to address the reasoned amendment tabled in the name of the right hon. Member for East Surrey (Claire Coutinho). I shall address many of these points in more detail, but, in short, Great British Energy will produce clean energy, protect bill payers in the long term, and invest in projects that expect a return on investments, generating revenue and delivering for the people of this country in the process. We will manage the transition in the North sea in a way that is prosperous and just and enables our offshore workers to retrain into the industries of the future in a long-term sustainable way. I urge the House to vote against this so-called reasoned amendment tonight.

I turn to some of the specific points that have been raised. I am sorry that I will not be able to get to all of them, because I have very little time. We have already announced a substantial amount of detail on GB Energy beyond this Bill, including publishing its founding statement, announcing the first major partnership with the Crown Estate, confirming that it will be headquartered in Scotland, and appointing Jürgen Maier as the start-up chair. This Bill is the next stage of Great British Energy’s journey, giving it the statutory footing that is needed to deliver on our ambitions. It is drafted to help establish Great British Energy and sets out the necessary legal framework.

GB Energy will be an operationally independent company, just as Great British Nuclear and the UK Infrastructure Bank are. It will be accountable to Parliament, not run by Ministers as some Members have claimed today. It will be overseen by an experienced board, benefiting from industry-leading expertise and experience right across its remit, bringing the most skilled and experienced individuals to the heart of the decisions that it will make.

GB Energy will not be a trading fund, as suggested by the hon. Member for Angus and Perthshire Glens (Dave Doogan). Instead, as I have already said, it will be an operationally independent energy company that owns, manages and operates clean energy projects. I suppose the confusion arises from the fact that the SNP’s commitment to set up a publicly owned energy company has not come to anything at all. I think it has been seven years since it was announced. Only this week, the Scottish Government drew down even more money from the ScotWind inheritance to plug the gaps in their day-to-day spending.

Will the Minister give way?

We have heard from the hon. Gentleman already.

There were multiple questions in this debate about how Great British Energy will lower bills and when taxpayers will see a difference. That features in the reasoned amendment tabled by the Opposition. Conservative Members want to raise the issue of bills as if they have been nowhere for the past 14 years. Their record is why people up and down this country are paying more in their bills, and the people will not forget it.

Will the Minister give way?

I will not give way; I am very short on time.

In an unstable world, the only way to guarantee our energy security and protect bill payers from future energy shocks is to speed up our transition away from fossil fuels and towards home-grown clean energy. We have been clear that we cannot flick a switch and fix 14 years of dither and delay overnight, but we have set about starting to do so, and we will continue. Throughout supporting the transition, Great British Energy will save families money by ensuring that electricity bills are no longer exposed to those kind of price shocks—[Interruption.] If Conservative Members want to put a number on this, let us just ask them to go back to their constituencies and ask their constituents how much more they are paying in their bills thanks to 14 years of Conservative government.

On the question of jobs, a number of hon. Members rightly raised the importance of investing in our supply chains and in the skills of the future. Great British Energy will create thousands of good jobs and build supply chains in every corner of the UK through the projects that it supports, as well as at its future head office in Scotland. Its investments will support companies across the energy industry, providing opportunities for high-quality, well-paid work rebuilding the UK’s industrial heartlands.

Several Members raised the question of community energy, which is at the heart of the Bill. Local power generation is an essential part of the energy mix, ensuring that energy projects deliver not just a community benefit but the social outcomes that local communities need. Many Members mentioned that.

On that point, will the Minister give way?

I have said that I do not have time. The hon. Gentleman gave a speech in which he raised a number of points, and I am happy to come back to him at another time.

Community energy also reduces pressures on the transmission grid and the need for expensive investment, so community ownership will be critical. Great British Energy will deliver a step change in investment in local and community energy projects, putting local authorities and communities at the heart of the energy transition.

Finally, I will address a few points on devolution, which was raised by the hon. Member for Angus and Perthshire Glens, the right hon. Member for East Antrim (Sammy Wilson) and my hon. Friend the Member for Camborne and Redruth (Perran Moon). Great British Energy is intended to support all parts of the United Kingdom, and will help to ensure that every part of this country has a role to play in delivering our energy independence. Since we came into government, we have been engaging regularly with the devolved Governments, on this Bill and a range of other issues, to reset the relationships with them. I hope that soon the devolved Governments will indicate their support for the Bill by passing motions of legislative consent.

One of the Government’s five driving missions is to make Britain a clean energy superpower, and at the heart of that mission is Great British Energy. This is a bold idea, overwhelmingly backed by the British people—not only by people who voted Labour, but by people who voted SNP, people who voted Conservative and even people who voted Reform. Surprisingly, there were people who voted for those parties. This is an idea that has the public’s support. It will speed up the delivery of the clean energy that we need. It will deliver the next generation of good jobs, with strong trade unions, helping to re-industrialise all parts of our nation. It will protect family finances. It will learn the lessons of the past and allow the British people to reap the rewards of this transition. I urge the House to support the Bill and bring a fully operational Great British Energy one step closer to reality. I commend the Bill to the House.

Question put, That the amendment be made.

The House proceeded to a Division.

Will the Serjeant at Arms investigate the delay in the No Lobby?