PARLIAMENTARY DEBATE
Financial Services and Markets Bill (Tenth sitting) - 3 November 2022 (Commons/Public Bill Committees)
Debate Detail
Chair(s) † Mr Virendra Sharma, Dame Maria Miller
Members† Bacon, Gareth (Orpington) (Con)
† Bailey, Shaun (West Bromwich West) (Con)
Baldwin, Harriett (West Worcestershire) (Con)
† Davies, Gareth (Grantham and Stamford) (Con)
† Docherty-Hughes, Martin (West Dunbartonshire) (SNP)
† Eagle, Dame Angela (Wallasey) (Lab)
Grant, Peter (Glenrothes) (SNP)
† Griffith, Andrew (Economic Secretary to the Treasury)
† Hammond, Stephen (Wimbledon) (Con)
† Hardy, Emma (Kingston upon Hull West and Hessle) (Lab)
† Hart, Sally-Ann (Hastings and Rye) (Con)
† McDonagh, Siobhain (Mitcham and Morden) (Lab)
Mak, Alan (Havant) (Con)
† Morrissey, Joy (Beaconsfield) (Con)
† Siddiq, Tulip (Hampstead and Kilburn) (Lab)
† Tracey, Craig (North Warwickshire) (Con)
† Twist, Liz (Blaydon) (Lab)
ClerksBradley Albrow, Simon Armitage, Committee Clerks
† attended the Committee
Public Bill CommitteeThursday 3 November 2022
(Afternoon)
[Mr Virendra Sharma in the Chair]
Financial Services and Markets BillBrought up, and read the First time.
“(1) The PRA must lay before Parliament a report, as soon as practicable after the end of—
(a) the period of 12 months beginning with the day on which this Act is passed, and
(b) every subsequent 12-month period,
on how it considers the specific needs of mutual and co-operative financial services providers and other relevant business models when discharging its regulatory functions.
(2) The ‘specific needs’ referred to in subsection (1) must include the needs of mutual and co-operative financial services providers to have a level-playing field with financial services providers which are not mutuals or co-operatives.
(3) The ‘mutual and co-operative financial services providers and other relevant business models’ referred to in subsection (1) may include—
(a) building societies,
(b) mutual banks,
(c) co-operative banks, and
(d) regional banks.”
This new clause would require the PRA to report annually on how they have considered the specific needs of mutual and co-operative financial services.
Building societies play a vital role in providing people with a low-risk, member-focused banking alternative, and research has shown that trust in building societies is consistently high. They are typically well capitalised, making the sector more resilient to financial shocks and better able to lend and plan for the long term. Credit unions serve an extraordinary 1.9 million members and 2.1 million depositors across the UK. There is currently about £1.7 billion in loans to credit union members, providing a crucial lifeline to the most financially vulnerable in society and preventing people from turning to loan sharks and high-interest loans, which we discussed earlier.
Despite the distinctly British character and history of mutually and co-operatively owned companies, and the important role that they play in promoting financial responsibility and resilience among their members, numerous societies have been threatened with demutual-isation in recent years. The number of credit unions has plummeted by more than 20% since 2016 and, unlike the US and many other European countries, the UK is uniquely lacking in mutually or co-operatively owned regional banks. It is ordinary families that have paid the price, with many being forced into the arms of unethical lenders; that will only get worse as the cost of living crisis gets worse.
That has happened because credit unions, building societies and co-operative banks work in an outdated regulatory regime, leaving them unable to compete on a level playing field with standard providers. With the UK’s departure from the EU, we must rethink the rules governing the sector to provide greater flexibility and to allow mutuals and co-operative financial services to grow.
While the Bill contains some welcome and long-overdue provisions, such as enabling credit unions to offer a wider range of products, the plans for the wider sector have so far lacked ambition. If the Government are serious about supporting consumers to gain greater control of their personal finances after Brexit and supporting mutuals and co-operatives to grow and reach their full potential, the Minister should support our new clauses.
New clauses 7 and 8 would require the regulators —the FCA and the Prudential Regulation Authority—to have an explicit remit to report on how they have considered specific business models, including mutuals and co-operatives, to ensure that they are given parity of esteem with standard providers. If the Labour party were in government, we would commit to doubling the size of the co-operative and mutual sectors in this country. I hope the Minister will match the ambition of a future Labour Government.
The Government recognise the value that the mutual sector brings to the UK economy and have great ambition for it; we are just not quite sure that that ambition is best manifested through an additional level of annual reporting. We are committed to the health and prosperity of the mutual sector, and that is why we are taking steps to ensure that the legislative framework in which mutuals and co-operatives operate is a modern and supportive business environment. The hon. Member for Hampstead and Kilburn knows, because we debated it last Friday, that the Government are supporting a private Member’s Bill that would allow co-operatives, mutual insurers and friendly societies greater flexibility in determining for themselves the best strategy for their business and restrictions on the use of their assets, specifically in the case of demutualisation.
New clauses 7 and 8 would require the FCA and the PRA to generate a new annual report. I am not sure that would be the most decisive intervention to support the mutual sector. The Government consider that arrangements are already in place for regulatory reporting, which may give the hon. Lady some reassurance. The FCA is required to produce an annual report covering many things, including the discharge of its functions, the advancement of its objectives and its consideration of the existing regulatory principle relating to mutual societies. That report is laid before Parliament by the Treasury. Like the FCA, the PRA produces an annual report on its progress, and sets out its future plans in its annual business plan.
The Financial Services and Markets Act 2000 obliges both the PRA and the FCA to consider how their regulatory rules—their rulebook—impact on mutual societies and whether the impact would be different from that on non-mutual entities. FSMA already requires both regulators to consider the impacts of their regulation on the specific needs of mutual and co-operative financial service providers and any difference of regulatory impact on these entities compared with their non-mutual colleagues.
Given that appropriate arrangements are already in place for regulators to report, that the FCA and the PRA already produce well combed through annual reports and that there is no deficiency in the level of engagement with the sector, with the Government remaining open and alive to opportunities, my contention is that the proposed measure is simply unnecessary. While I do not disagree with the principle set out by the hon. Lady or her ambition to double the size of the sector, I respectfully ask her not to press the new clauses.
Question put, That the clause be read a Second time.
Members will be happy to hear that this is my final speech. The new clause would require the Treasury to publish an updated green finance strategy that must include a green taxonomy and sustainability disclosure requirements. The Opposition welcome the provisions in the Bill that formalise the responsibilities of the FCA and the PRA under the Climate Change Act 2008, which was introduced by the last Labour Government, but the Government have promised much more radical action. Indeed, we were promised that the UK would become the world’s first net zero financial centre; instead, we are falling behind global competitors. Too often British businesses, especially small and medium-sized enterprises, struggle to access the green capital they need. Not only has that damaged growth; it has made us more reliant on foreign fossil fuels and has directly contributed to the record levels of inflation that are strangling our economy.
I remind everyone that the Prime Minister had to be publicly shamed, including by the former Secretary of State for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy, before committing to attend the COP27 summit. A Labour Government will give the clear direction that the sector needs by providing £28 billion of green capital investment every year until 2030. That will include investment in gigafactories to build batteries for electric vehicles, a thriving hydrogen industry, offshore wind with turbines made in Britain, planting trees, building flood defences, getting energy bills down, and guaranteeing Britain’s energy security by supporting the expansion of nuclear power.
Alongside the confidence that investment can bring, we must provide regulatory certainty to the sector. That will require internationally agreed definitions and regulatory standards on green finance. The Minister will agree that the FCA and the PRA are highly respected and influential on the world stage, and they can play a leading role at various global regulatory forums in setting the pace of change to ensure that the UK is a leader in green finance. However, that will require a concrete green finance strategy for regulators and the sector to work towards, and a clearly defined green taxonomy and sustainability disclosure requirements, to ensure that the City can fully support the transition to net zero. I look forward to hearing the Minister’s comments, and I hope he will vote with us to give financial services the confidence they need to make the UK the global centre of green finance.
I had not intended to speak on the new clause, but the hon. Lady made a really important point about access to green finance, particularly for SMEs. The Black Country chamber of commerce, which does fantastic work with SMEs, has raised this issue with me. If businesses want to access green finance, particularly through some of the fantastic Government support schemes that were put in place two years ago, they are unable to do so if they do not meet the relevant threshold. Many SMEs have ambitions to be part of the green industrial revolution, and many of us in this room represent post-industrial communities that could transform the energy infrastructure in this country, but which do not have the means to access the finance that is needed to do so. As a result, many communities are missing out on what we might call the fourth industrial revolution, which could bring new skills, new jobs and new investment to those areas.
The purpose of the new clause is very interesting. Perhaps the Minister can address that when he sums up. I apologise to him, because he has had a plethora of asks from me during our proceedings. However, this point is important, because we have many well-established SMEs across the country—including in my area, the Black Country—that are really keen to be part of the journey.
The Government are committed to reaching net zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2025. The Bill underlines that commitment by introducing measures under which the financial regulators must consider the need to achieve compliance with the net zero emissions target as they advance their objectives.
As part of our efforts to achieve the target, the Government and the regulators have under way an ambitious programme of work, which seeks to support the competitiveness of the UK in sustainable finance. During a previous sitting, we heard the hon. Lady talk down the United Kingdom and say that we are falling behind, and she just repeated that. She lives in a world where the UK is, sadly, always falling behind and where we are never able to celebrate our successes.
We published the green finance strategy back in 2019, and “Greening Finance: A Roadmap to Sustainable Investing” in 2021. Since then, because of the changes to the economic and political landscape, the Government have commissioned my right hon. Friend the Member for Kingswood (Chris Skidmore) to lead a rapid review of how the Government approach delivering their net zero targets in the appropriate way. In addition, a call for evidence was launched on 11 May this year, and closed on 22 June. That consultation will inform the uptake of the green finance strategy and the Government are currently reviewing the responses they received. It is a big piece of work and the Government’s intention is to publish an update to the green finance strategy within the timelines that the hon. Member for Hampstead and Kilburn asks for in her new clause.
The hon. Member also mentioned specific policy issues relating to the green taxonomy and sustainable disclosure requirements, on which I hope I can give some reassurance. On the green taxonomy, the Government will be engaging with the market on the design of a framework to guide investors on how they can best support the transition to net zero. That includes the important role for SMEs that we heard about from my hon. Friend the Member for West Bromwich West.
Sustainability disclosure requirements are an area in which the UK is already genuinely leading the world: we are the first country to seek to mandate them. We were the first G20 country to introduce regulations for mandatory reporting, aligned with the recommendations of the task force on climate-related financial disclosures. SDR builds on that approach: the aim is for it to be a comprehensive, streamlined and co-ordinated reporting framework for all statutory and public listed bodies, and it is being taken forward at pace. As the hon. Member for Hampstead and Kilburn probably knows, the FCA launched a consultation last week on SDR rules for asset managers and asset owners, which included how to address the important, growing issue of greenwashing.
I hope I have reassured the Committee about the comprehensive amount of very thorough work being done by the Government in this domain. As I have given the assurance that the hon. Member seeks through her new clause, I ask that she withdraw it, not push it to a Division.
Question put, That the clause be read a Second time.
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Sharma. New clause 15 would protect freedom of expression by giving the Financial Conduct Authority the necessary regulatory powers and ability to impose disciplinary measures on a payment service provider for a breach of the rules. We need legislation to prevent payment service providers such as PayPal from demonetising individuals or organisations for political reasons.
Members might remember in early September a bit of media agitation surrounding PayPal’s decision to cancel the online payment accounts of the Daily Sceptic and the Free Speech Union, and the personal account of an individual called Toby Young. Some present might not agree with the politics of those organisations and that individual, but it is fundamentally wrong that online payment accounts can be exited because the payment service provider or its staff do not agree with the opinions of the service user—the customer.
We are not talking about hostile states or terrorist activity, for which there is legislation progressing through Parliament—the Online Safety Bill and the National Security Bill. We must protect our right to free speech, expression and opinion. Freedom of speech or expression is the right to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds by any means and is an internationally recognised human right. It should be illegal for financial services to engage in political censorship, and customers need to be sure that online services cannot, on a whim, demonetise customers without proper justification.
The relatively recent digitalisation of financial transactions has placed an unprecedented amount of power in the hands of online payment service providers such as PayPal, as well as banks, credit companies and online platforms. Our legislation must keep pace with rapid technological changes.
We have seen different organisations demonetised—for example, the UK Medical Freedom Alliance, for raising questions on covid vaccines. I might not agree with it, but it is still entitled to air its views or raise its concerns. UsforThem, a parents’ group that fought to keep schools open during the pandemic, was also demonetised. Looking back, many, including Ministers, have admitted that closing schools was the wrong thing to do and they should not have been shut down.
Financial censorship must be prevented. As we switch to a more cashless society, we must put legislation in place to protect people from being punished by payment processes for expressing different views, no matter their politics or the party they support. My new clause is designed to ensure that the regulator has the ability to ensure that financial service providers cannot withdraw or withhold service from a customer on political grounds. I hope that the Minister and the Committee will support the clause.
Committee members will recognise that there is a legitimate question of how to raise this matter—whether it is best to do so in this piece of legislation or others. The wider issue is generally addressed in the Equality Act 2010, which specifically prohibits service providers in the UK from denying services to people on the basis of their beliefs. That is defined widely to include philosophical as well as religious beliefs.
The Government do not deny the important role that financial services—particularly payment providers, in respect of which there is a concentrated market—play in providing services that facilitate integral activities such as making and receiving payments. There is already legislation in this policy area: under the Payment Services Regulations 2017, a service could be terminated but that must be covered in the provider’s terms and conditions, and the denial of service must be communicated to an affected person in advance, with notice. My hon. Friend said that did not happen in the case she mentioned, which is a concern. We ought to understand whether that is a legislative or a compliance issue. I hope the FCA, which is responsible for the payment service regulator, will look into that.
Under the 2017 regulations, the immediate denial of a payment service can be made only when there is suspicion that a payment instrument has been used in an unauthorised or fraudulent way. We understand that that would be clearly distinguished from merely a freedom of expression concern, as in the case my hon. Friend talked about. Individuals who have a service withdrawn also have the ability to appeal to the Financial Ombudsman Service. I note that in that case, we are talking about a business or an organisation rather than an individual. It would be worth giving further consideration to how the proposed new clause interacts with the existing regulatory regime and whether the current regime is insufficient.
I commend my hon. Friend for bringing forward such a well-developed clause, but it is right that the Government look in detail at how it would operate in practice and whether it would achieve the aims that she intends. The Government are due to review the 2017 regulations in January 2023. If we reflect on the concerns over the issue, a sensible course of action would be to include in the review’s call for evidence questions about the adequacy of the existing protections in respect of payment services. I am happy to confirm that it is therefore my intention to explore this issue as part of that statutory review in January 2023.
I note that the new clause raises questions about the role and powers that the FCA should be given in adjudicating over any such regime. On that particular point, I am not sure how the FCA has the expertise, as a financial regulator, to adjudicate over matters of freedom of expression, which the new clause in its current form would require. They seem to be quite different matters, and they are not simple.
Beyond that particular case, we do not have a wide body of evidence about the adequacy of the existing regulatory regime that governs payment services. That is not to take away anything from that case, which in itself provokes deep concern, but it is not clear how prevalent or widespread the issue is. It may be that Opposition Members have examples as well—one can easily imagine a group of activists or a trade union being affected by a similar measure. I can see that there may be other instances and other areas of concern.
My hon. Friend has raised an important issue, which the Government will take very seriously. I hope I have been able to reassure her of how significant the Government think this matter is, and I am thankful to her for her continued dialogue. Given that I have committed to meet her and to continue to explore whether the new clause has the right form of words and is in the right place, I ask her to withdraw it for now and not put it to a vote. We will continue the dialogue and potentially revisit the issue at a later stage.
Clause, by leave, withdrawn.
New Clause 16
Regulators’ immunity from civil damages action
“Relevant regulators may be the subject of civil damages actions in cases where conditions A, B and C are met—
(a) condition A is that a consumer has suffered material financial loss,
(b) condition B is that the material financial loss referred to in paragraph (a) has occurred as the result of the conduct of an activity, or activities, which are prohibited,
(c) condition C is that the prohibited activities referred to in paragraph (b) are within the statutory remit of the relevant regulator, and the relevant regulator has negligently failed to take sufficient action to prevent the prohibited activity or activities occurring where it was aware, or could reasonably be expected to have been aware, that the prohibited activity or activities were taking place.”—(Martin Docherty-Hughes.)
This new clause would allow regulators to be the subject of civil damages actions if a consumer has suffered financial loss as a result of prohibited activity and the regulator has not taken sufficient action to prevent such prohibited activity within its remit.
Brought up, and read the First time.
Sadly, my hon. Friend the Member for Glenrothes cannot be with us today. I apologise for my late arrival; I had a constituent issue.
There will be questions about how the provisions in new clause 16 would be financed, but the Committee must be conscious of why we tabled it. The FCA has been immune in this sense for nearly two decades, and there have been issues over that period. Notably, I am mindful of some of the issues related to its dealings with the crash and so on. I am also mindful of the possibilities for payment back in terms of liabilities. For example, NatWest was fined £265 million by the FCA as recently as last December. There are certainly possibilities to finance such a process.
The rationale is that if we look at organisations and individuals who have suffered due to the FCA’s failure to prevent several scandals—notably in 2019 with London Capital & Finance, when 11,000 bondholders were said to have lost more than £200 million—that is not acceptable. Those bondholders were most probably not the kind of high-end multibillionaires who could maybe lose a couple of million pounds and not think anything of it. They were our constituents who make some small or medium-sized investments. They are people who might be in business, or trying to hold their companies together.
We need to challenge and discuss the failure of the FCA to deal with such issues. I am keen to hear what the Government have to say about how we can build strength into the Bill, whether that is through the regulator or through other means. I will wait to hear what the Minister says in terms of pressing the motion to a vote, because I think there might be an opportunity to bring it back at another stage when we can have further debate and deliberation.
I assume that the regulator has enjoyed Crown immunity to ensure that frivolous or vexatious actions are not undertaken against it. I understand why the hon. Member sees this more as a probing new clause; as the new clause stands, it is difficult to be absolutely clear what “material financial loss” is, how we might define “negligent” and how we determine whether the regulator could have taken other action. There are any number of things that one might want to resolve.
There is merit in the new clause tabled by the hon. Member for West Dunbartonshire, and I wonder whether the Minister might consider it further in due course. Although I agree with my hon. Friend the Member for Wimbledon that the new clause might not be constructed in the right way, the principle behind it certainly has merit.
Although I fear I may repeat what some hon. Members have said, the principle we are discussing is interesting. The new clause raises some important issues, which I hope the Minister will take away. We just need to explore further how we tighten up the operational element, before these proposals are taken forward. However, new clause 16 does raise an important issue, which I hope the Minister will continue to explore.
I do not know whether the hon. Member for West Dunbartonshire wishes to put the new clause to a vote, but I would ask him to desist from doing so. However, I reassure him that he has planted the seed of the thought that I believe he was hoping to with the new clause. I will take it away to see whether it is worthy of consideration and whether there is a practical way of achieving it, and of course listen to the views of the FCA about how it thinks this would modify its conduct and behaviour and the position of consumers, which is ultimately what the regulatory regime seeks to address.
At the moment, I am happy to withdraw new clause 16, but we may consider it at a later stage in the Bill. I beg to ask leave to withdraw the motion.
Clause, by leave, withdrawn.
New Clause 18
Regulators’ reporting requirement: competitiveness and growth objective
“(1) The Financial Services and Markets Act 2000 is amended as follows.
(2) In paragraph 11 of Schedule 1ZA (FCA annual report), after sub-paragraph (1) insert—
‘(1A) A report under sub-paragraph (1) must include an assessment of the FCA’s performance in fulfilling the competitiveness and growth objective, against the following criteria—
(a) outcomes of regulatory consolidation exercises;
(b) response times in assigning a case officer and authorisation times;
(c) data on the number of new market entrants to the UK and firms which have left the UK;
(d) reviews undertaken by the FCA of regulatory data requirements of authorised firms;
(e) outcomes of rule monitoring and evaluation and how it has contributed to UK competitiveness;
(f) comparative analysis of the regulatory approach of other jurisdictions;
(g) any other matters as the Treasury may from time to time direct.’
(3) In paragraph 19 of Schedule 1ZB (annual report of the PRA), after sub-paragraph (1A) insert—
‘(1AA) In the report the PRA must also report on its performance in fulfilling the competitiveness and growth objective, against the following criteria—
(a) outcomes of regulatory consolidation exercises;
(b) response times in assigning a case officer and authorisation times;
(c) data on the number of new market entrants to the UK and firms which have left the UK;
(d) reviews undertaken by the FCA of regulatory data requirements of authorised firms;
(e) outcomes of rule monitoring and evaluation and how it has contributed to UK competitiveness;
(f) comparative analysis of the regulatory approach of other jurisdictions;
(g) any other matters as the Treasury may from time to time direct.’”—(Craig Tracey.)
Brought up, and read the First time.
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Sharma. I draw the Committee’s attention to my entry in the Register of Members’ Financial Interests, which I mentioned at the start of our proceedings.
The reason I have tabled new clause 18 follows on from comments I made in our earlier sittings, particularly on clauses 24 and 26, which relate to the competitiveness duty. Although I welcome that duty, it does need to be strengthened. The new clause would therefore require the FCA and the PRA to include in their annual reports
“an assessment of the FCA’s performance in fulfilling the competitiveness and growth objective”
against specified criteria. The new clause sets out seven specific criteria for them to judge their performance against, including:
“outcomes of regulatory consolidation exercises… response times in assigning a case officer and authorisation times… data on the number of new market entrants to the UK and firms which have left the UK… reviews undertaken by the FCA of regulatory data requirements of authorised firms… outcomes of rule monitoring and evaluation and how it has contributed to UK competitiveness”
and
“comparative analysis of the regulatory approach of other jurisdictions”.
In its evidence the Committee, the FCA pointed out that it was not aware of any other country having a competitiveness duty, but we were able to provide plenty of examples. As a starting point, it might want to look at the Bermuda regulator’s mission statement, which sets out that their objective is to
“protect and enhance Bermuda’s reputation and position as a leading international financial centre, utilising a team of highly skilled professionals acting in the public interest to promote financial stability, safeguard our currency and provide effective and efficient supervision and regulation.”
That is a clear example of where the FCA could start.
As I said, I welcome the Bill, but if it is to be meaningful and if the regulator is to fulfil its intended aims, we need to set the regulator clear objectives. Having spoken to the Minister, I know that he is keen do that, and this Bill is a fantastic opportunity to increase our competitiveness. I therefore ask him to take the new clause in the spirit in which it is meant—it is meant to strengthen what is a good Bill and make it excellent and, if possible, world-leading—and to give it due consideration.
They often say that a week is a long time in politics. Only this time last week, we were discussing clauses 24 and 26 and some of the amendments to them. I had tabled a number of amendments, which were aimed at one of the themes I have been pursuing throughout the Bill: ensuring we have appropriate accountability and transparency for the regulator. One of my amendments sought to put in place performance metrics, but the new clause tabled by my hon. Friend the Member for North Warwickshire sets out rather more admirably than that amendment, and in some detail, what those metrics should be.
Equally, my hon. Friend addresses the issue raised by another of my amendments, which probably should have been tighter: having clarity about why a regulator should be allowed to choose from time to time. As the Minister rightly pointed out at the time, there is the annual report available for him to specify some of the performance criteria and whether those criteria have been met. The new clause would go some way to achieving the thrust of my amendments last week, providing a little more clarity and certainty about what we are trying to achieve. In his response to me last week, the Minister said he was keen to make sure not only that there is accountability but that there is seen to be accountability. We were all struck by Emma Reynolds’ remark to us that the regulator must not mark their own homework. The new clause would take us away from that position, would give some certainty to the regulator and would provide an accountability mechanism to which they can be properly held to account. I am very much looking forward to hearing what the Minister has to say.
As my hon. Friend the Member for Wimbledon said, the regulators should not mark their own homework—that should fall to Parliament. He was very gracious about his provisions, which we will be considering, but also the provisions tabled by my hon. Friend the Member for North Warwickshire.
As there is still work to be done, I ask that my hon. Friend the Member for North Warwickshire does not press the new clause to a Division. Is he willing to work with my team and I to see if we are able to perfect the objectives he seeks, which are wholly laudable and understood by the Government?
Clause, by leave, withdrawn.
New Clause 19
Regulatory principles to be applied by both regulators: proportionality principle
“(1) The Financial Services and Markets Act 2000 is amended as follows.
(2) In Section 3B(1)(b) leave out ‘considered in general terms’.
(3) In Section 3B(1)(b) after ‘restriction’ insert ‘, and take into account the nature of and risk to the consumer, and the service or product being delivered’.” —(Craig Tracey.)
This new clause would amend the existing regulatory principle for both regulators to remove reference to proportionality in “general terms”, and include that the nature of and risk to the consumer, and the service or product being delivered, must be taken into account when imposing a new burden or restriction.
Brought up, and read the First time.
I will try to be brief because I realise that I am the last barrier between us finishing the Bill and being able to return to our constituencies. New clause 19 is a very simple provision. The point is that we need to recognise that not all financial services are the same; they have different levels of sophistication of buyer. The consumer who buys car insurance will be very different to one who buys aircraft insurance or other more commercialised products. I believe there should be a more proportionate approach.
There is currently a one-size-fits-all approach that treats all financial services the same, irrespective of the product or the buyer. However, that is not the reality, as I have said. The consumers for wholesale markets, such as London markets, for example, are very sophisticated buyers. They will often have huge teams of financial, policy and insurance experts who will advise them on the product. They do not need the same level of consumer protection as an individual retail consumer would have. And that burden on the London market has an impact on our global competitiveness. I gave the example earlier in Committee of insurance-linked securities, where we are losing out to other jurisdictions.
Therefore, what I am asking for through this new clause is a more proportional approach. That would also have the benefit of freeing up more time for the regulator to look at the customers who are more in need of its support, such as individual consumers, whom it is of paramount importance to keep safe, so I again ask the Minister to look carefully at the new clause and see how we can incorporate it into the Bill.
I think that this is a really important new clause. My hon. Friend the Member for North Warwickshire has said several times that, currently, one size fits all. Those of us who remember the aftermath of the financial crisis rightly thought that there needed to be greater regulation, but the fact that the regulation treated every financial company and every financial services company as if it were a deposit taker had major ramifications for the financial services sector for a long time. My hon. Friend the Member for North Warwickshire is experienced in the insurance industry, but my hon. Friend the Member for Grantham and Stamford and I are experienced in the asset management industry, and that industry was treated as if it were a deposit taker. The regulation was totally inappropriate, because it did not address any of the potential mischiefs that might be created but did treat the industry as if it were a deposit taker. Therefore the thrust behind what my hon. Friend the Member for North Warwickshire is saying here is that all regulation should be proportionate to risk and to knowledge of the person to whom the wrong might be done.
The other point that I want to make is that if the proportionality principle were in the Bill, the effectiveness of the cost-benefit analysis panels would be substantially increased. We discussed those panels in some depth last week, and a number of concerns were expressed about the membership of the panels and how they should report. New clause 18, which we have just discussed, would help to address some elements of how the work of the cost-benefit panels could be undertaken and measured in the same way in an annual report. I suspect that if there were a proportionality principle inside the basis of the operation of those panels, we would, again, see the regulator having to be more thoughtful about ensuring that one size does not fit all with regard to what it is trying to remedy with the regulation. We could have a better view of whether there is benefit to the regulation if this principle were enshrined in the Bill, so I thank my hon. Friend.
There are a number of initiatives, which my hon. Friend the Member for North Warwickshire will be aware of, in respect of proportionality: the embedded regulatory principle as it stands today, as well as guidance and initiatives such as the financial services regulatory initiatives grid and forum—I am sure that my hon. Friend is deeply familiar with its work. There are a number of initiatives designed to elevate work in this space. As I said, my hon. Friend raises an important point. It is another point that I would like to go through when I meet him and my hon. Friend the Member for Wimbledon and look at it as an interlocking set of initiatives around the proportionality of reporting transparency to ensure that we get the balance right. If there is an opportunity to improve that, we will seek to take it. As this is the last clause of the Committee, perhaps my hon. Friend would be so kind as to not press it to a vote, given the undertakings that I have given.
I would like to thank you, Mr Sharma, for your adroit chairing of the Committee and for ensuring that we completed the necessary clauses on time and in the correct order. We have heard some lovely vignettes delivered passionately by the hon. Member for Mitcham and Morden about the lack of cash for her constituency and some of the actions to remedy that, on which I hope to join her. I thank the hon. Member for Blaydon for her co-operation with my colleague, and the hon. Member for West Dunbartonshire, who— often flying solo—so diligently represented his standpoint. I thank the hon. Member for Hampstead and Kilburn, who demonstrated great prowess when predicting the points that I may or may not make. I hope that there is more that we agree on in the Bill than we disagree on. Finally, I thank my officials, who have supported my work and the work of this Committee during the past few weeks.
Clause, by leave, withdrawn.
I also thank the Association of British Insurers, UK Finance and TheCityUK, as well as individual financial services businesses, because they helped brief me for Committee stage and helped us develop the Labour party’s vision for the financial sector. Finally, I thank Fair by Design and the consumer group Which?. They put an enormous amount of effort into advising me on the amendments that we tabled to the Bill.
Bill, as amended, to be reported.
FSMB52 Santander UK
FSMB53 Institute and Faculty of Actuaries
FSMB54 Coalition for a Digital Economy (Coadec)
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