PARLIAMENTARY DEBATE
Engagements - 1 July 2026 (Commons/Commons Chamber)
Debate Detail
In an increasingly dangerous and volatile world, our defence investment plan commits more to investment in our armed forces. It delivers the modern kit and capabilities our personnel need to keep us safe, meaning we buy British to create jobs here at home and strengthen our international leadership.
Sunday marks the 78th birthday of the NHS, and I am pleased that under this Government, waiting lists are down, A&E waits are shorter, and we have the shortest cancer diagnosis times on record. I also welcome the agreement reached with the resident doctors to end the strikes, so that our full focus can be on delivering further improvements for patients.
This morning, I had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in this House, I shall have further such meetings later today.
Everyone in my constituency of Surrey Heath wants a new Frimley Park hospital, but the chosen site—the last remaining fragment of the ancient Frimley common—is wholly inappropriate. It is inaccessible, behind multiple schools, and environmentally devastating. Worse, over recent weeks, I have received deeply troubling evidence that the preferred relocation site was known and being openly discussed by local political figures in 2023, before the official site selection process had even begun. The entirely reasonable conclusion is that this project has been compromised from the outset and the site predetermined. I think the Prime Minister would agree that this is no way to begin a multibillion-pound public procurement process, so will he please step in, commission an urgent independent review—
“if this hospital goes ahead, there will be no golf course.”
Labour is building new hospitals, and the hon. Gentleman is standing up for golf courses. I cannot think of anything more Lib Dem.
“I am being forced to make decisions that would…increase the risk to personnel on operations, and could make the country less safe.”
Since that letter, the Prime Minister has increased spending by only 0.01%. We can count, the generals can count, and the Kremlin can count, and his plan does not add up. How can he possibly stand there and say that this is enough?
We can contrast that with the Conservatives’ record in government. They hollowed out the armed forces. Their record is cutting defence spending; my record is raising it to £300 billion and rising. Their record is cutting frigates by a quarter, cutting minehunters by a half and leaving 47 out of 49 defence programmes delayed or over budget; my record is the biggest boost to defence investment since the 1980s. Their record is missing Army recruitment targets every year for 14 years. We have given our armed forces the biggest pay rise for 20 years and increased defence funding by £15 billion a year. That is a record I am proud to stand on.
The threat level has dramatically changed in the two years that the Prime Minister has been in office. Since he took office, Poland has increased its funding to 4.8% and Germany has increased its funding to 3.7%. This year, Russia will spend 10% of GDP on defence. Meanwhile, Britain is spending it all on welfare. Even the limited plan that the Prime Minister has announced has completely unravelled, because he has not found the money to pay for it. It is £5 billion short. We all know that he is leaving this mess to his successor. Can he confirm that the right hon. Member for Makerfield (Andy Burnham) has agreed to fund the shortfall?
This is £15 billion of new investment for defence, delivered outside a Budget and outside a spending review. That is about £1 billion a year over four years. Because of the decisions at the last Budget, we have had headroom of £22 billion. That is precisely so that we can take decisions like this. We delivered it outside a Budget and outside a spending review, just as we did with special educational needs, outside a Budget and outside a spending review, and just as the last Government did when they announced their five-year NHS plan in 2018, outside a Budget and outside a spending review. And what did they say when they were challenged about it?
“We will be able to explain exactly where every penny is coming from but we will do that in the Budget.”
That was the right hon. Member for Godalming and Ash (Sir Jeremy Hunt), then the Health Secretary and later the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
When the Conservatives published their integrated defence review in 2020, what did they do? They set out the funding at the next spending review. So let us drop the faux outrage and focus on what matters: the biggest sustained increase for 40 years and the biggest increase for 45 years, providing what is needed to keep the country safe.
The plan has unravelled. It is a total dereliction of duty, and I am not the only one who thinks so. The Times said today that the Prime Minister’s “legacy”—[Interruption.] Well, why don’t we wait and see what The Times said? It said that the Prime Minister’s
“legacy is betrayal, failure and vulnerability”
—and that is one of the nicer headlines.
I will ask again, because the Prime Minister did not answer the question. Did the right hon. Member for Makerfield know that he was going to have to find £5 billion for the Prime Minister’s plan?
“we are simply not going to be ready to defend this country properly.”
That is what they are saying.
The reason the Prime Minister is in this mess is that he was too weak to cut welfare when he had the chance. There are only three ways to find the missing £5 billion: increase borrowing, increase taxes, or cut welfare. Which one will the Prime Minister recommend to the right hon. Member for Makerfield?
Defence of the realm is the first duty of Government. [Interruption.] Yes, it is the first duty of Government. I do not need to read again what General Sir Richard Barrons or Lord Richard Dannatt said. Maybe Labour Members did not hear it the first time—they can rewatch the clips—but defence of the realm is the first duty of Government. Britain is facing a moment of danger unlike anything in our lifetimes and unlike anything that we saw in government. We need a plan to fund our armed forces that meets this moment. They are the Government for now, not for 10 years ago, and the fact is that Labour’s plan is too weak, it is too little and it is too late. If the Prime Minister’s successor does not want to be complicit in this failure, he should come out and condemn this plan. The money must be found, and that money should come from cutting welfare—something that these Labour MPs will not do. If Labour cannot defend our country, what is the point of them?
I will tell you what else. When we came into power, public services were on their knees. Today we have seen the fastest fall in NHS waiting lists for 17 years. When I became Prime Minister, we inherited a broken economy. Today we are outperforming the other G7 economies. When I became Prime Minister, our international alliances had been shredded. Now other countries are looking to us to lead on defence and security—foundations of a stronger and fairer country. Britain is in a better state than we found it. That is the difference a Labour Government make.
The wars in Ukraine and Iran show us how seriously we must take the threat of missiles and drones hitting our country. Our national security requires the best possible missile defence system, including Royal Navy destroyers, but the funding in the Prime Minister’s plan for this falls dangerously short. Yet he has rejected our proposals for defence bonds, which were used in the past to rearm our country. So why has the Prime Minister chosen to leave our country so vulnerable to missile attack?
Our defence investment plan gives our country what we need to fight now and into the future, with the capability that has been assessed through the strategic review. Bonds, which we looked at very closely, are simply borrowing by another name, and we are already borrowing in a way that requires us to spend £1 in every £10 on servicing the interest. I would gently point out, before the right hon. Member carries on with any criticism of our plan, that he sat in a Cabinet that cut defence spending by 22%.
I have another concern that I think the Prime Minister will share: the rising tide of racist violence and hate that we are seeing in our country, and the way it is being incited and normalised, including, I am afraid, by some Members of this House. I was talking to a British friend of Indian ancestry who told me how Reform activists came to her door and said that, if they get into power, she and her family will have their passports seized and their citizenship revoked. Does the Prime Minister agree that racism has no place in our country, and will he join me in condemning anyone who is stoking it?
Mr Speaker, I say this looking at the plaque to Jo Cox, and of course we have David Amess’s plaque behind me too. We had a Jo Cox 10-year reminder—it was 10 years ago, just a week or so ago, that we lost Jo—when I held a reception in Downing Street with her parents, close friends and relatives. We read out Jo’s words again, but the very sad thing is that I was not able to say that, in the 10 years since Jo’s death, things have got better, because sadly they have got worse. That is on all of us to fix—every single Member of this House, whatever their party—and anybody who flames it should be absolutely ashamed of themselves.
The hon. Gentleman likes to ask questions. He should be asking some questions of the leader of his party, the hon. Member for Clacton (Nigel Farage), who is sitting next to him—he received £5 million from a crypto billionaire and then privately lobbied the Bank of England on digital currencies. Did the Reform leader carry out paid lobbying? Why did he keep his £5 million gift secret? Are Reform Members happy with their leader earning £20,000 an hour flogging gold bullion? They need to ask questions across the Reform Bench, but they never do.
On grooming, we have set up the inquiry and it is very important it goes wherever the evidence should take it. That is an absolute guiding principle of the inquiry.
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